Saturday, September 30, 2006

Blokhin Has Task To Lift Ukraine

KIEV, Ukraine -- Unkraine assistant coach Andriy Bal admits that Oleg Blokhin faces a tough task to lift his players following poor club results in the Champions League.

Coach Oleg Blokhin

Coach Blokhin takes his national side to Italy on 7 October before facing Scotland in Kiev four days later.

And Bal said: "One of the problems is the psychological mood of players whose clubs have had bad results.

"We need to start with a psychological rehabilitiation and restoring the form of players presently in a rut."

Dynamo Kiev suffered a 5-1 hammering by Real Madrid in midweek, while Shakhtar Donetsk were held at home by Olympiakos.

That followed opening Champions League defeats for both clubs.

Bal was talking as Blokhin named a 23-man squad for Euro 2008 Group B double header.

Kiev's Serhiy Rebrov and fellow midfielder Serhiy Tkachenko, of Shakhtar, are out injured.

Arsenal Kiev defender Olexander Romanchuk has received his first call-up.

Source: BBC Sport

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Ukraine Defense Minister Denies British Journal Report Kiev Sold Radar System To Iran

KIEV, Ukraine -- The defense minister on Friday denied allegations in a British defense journal that Ukraine sold sophisticated military radar systems to Iran.

Ukraine's Defense Minister Anatoly Hrytsenko

Jane's Defense Weekly, citing unidentified sources, reported that Ukraine sold an unknown quantity of Kolchuga radar systems to Iran, saying that deliveries were either recent or imminent.

The accusations "will lead to nothing, it's just negative information," Defense Minister Anatoliy Hrytsenko said, according to his spokesman, Andriy Lysenko. "I think it's all false."

Earlier, the office of pro-Western President Viktor Yushchenko also denied the allegations, saying such a sale "didn't happen and wouldn't."

Hrytsenko suggested the allegations were aimed at discrediting Ukraine's military industry, according to Lysenko.

In 2002, the United States accused former Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma of approving the sale of Kolchugas to Iraq despite U.N. sanctions against Saddam Hussein's regime. Kuchma denied it, and the radar systems were never found in Iraq.

After the Soviet breakup in 1991, Ukraine inherited a sizable weapons industry and it remains a major producer of arms including missiles, aircraft and tanks.

According to Jane's, the Kolchuga is used to detect the takeoff and formation of aircraft groups at distant ranges, and can determine the course and speed of targets.

Citing sources, Jane's said that each system costs about $25 million.

Source: AP

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Friday, September 29, 2006

Look Who’s Talking

KIEV, Ukraine -- Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych recently visited NATO, the European Commission and Moscow all within the space of one week, sowing widespread doubt about Ukraine’s stated goals of Euro-Atlantic integration and WTO membership.

Yushchenko is loosing power by the day.

The Kremlin must have had trouble restraining its delight.

But it did a good job anyway.

During the Moscow visit, Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Fradkov noted that the price Gazprom would charge for its blue fuel in the last quarter of this year is still under consideration.

All statements on the issue from the new and previous governments in Kyiv hadn’t even considered that Ukraine would pay more until next year at the earliest.

For its part, the reaction of the pro-Western team of President Viktor Yushchenko was only to mumble feeble assurances of the country’s unchanged course after the fact.

But the former governor of Donetsk didn’t stop there, questioning Yushchenko’s right to issue decrees and continuing to push for more “reforms”, which would effectively cancel Yushchenko’s right to appoint governors.

Following the controversial constitutional amendments that came into effect in January, the president has already lost significant influence to his former foe from the Orange Revolution that brought Yushchenko to power.

Yanukovych and his team from the Donbass control parliament and the cabinet as part of a coalition with two leftist parties that only a few months ago looked destined to breathe their last breath in the halls of power.

Yushchenko spoke a lot during the Orange Revolution, but can’t seem to muster the vocabulary now.

Ukrainians were promised bandits would be put in jail.

Now, at least three prominent political figures who were reported to have fled to Russia to escape justice in Ukraine look unlikely to be further sought by the prosecutor’s office.

Perhaps sentences for former officials would create more instability, and nobody denies that Ukraine needs good relations with Russia, but it’s about time that Yushchenko speak up – and let the country know where it is going.

Source: Kyiv Post

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Ukraine Picks Yanukovych Over Yushchenko

KIEV, Ukraine -- Adults in Ukraine are satisfied with their prime minister, according to a poll by the Ukrainian Institute of Sociology and the Social Monitoring Centre. 50 per cent of respondents have confidence in Party of Regions (PR) leader Viktor Yanukovych.

Yushchenko (L) anf Yanukovych (R)

Conversely, only 37 per cent of respondents feel the same way about Ukrainian president Viktor Yushchenko.

Ukrainian voters renewed the Supreme Council on Mar. 26. On Jul. 11, the "anti-crisis" coalition—which includes the PR, the Socialist Party of Ukraine (SPU) and the Communist Party of Ukraine (KPU)—was formally announced.

On Aug. 4, Yanukovych, who lost in the 2004 presidential election to Yushchenko of the People’s Union-Our Ukraine (NS-NU), was confirmed as prime minister.

Yanukovych and Yushchenko agreed on a 27-point declaration, which contemplates improving Ukraine’s relations with the European Union (EU) and includes a plan to eventually join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

Earlier this month, Yushchenko expressed his views on Ukraine’s eventual entry into the EU, saying, "Ukraine is making an effort to fulfil the demands for EU accession candidates and expects a confirmation of its European perspective from Brussels."

EU external relations commissioner declared: "The future is not prejudged, but at this moment clearly there is no membership perspective."

Polling Data

Do you have confidence in prime minister Viktor Yanukovych?

Yes - 50%

No - 43%

Do you have confidence in president Viktor Yushchenko?

Yes - 37%

No - 55%

Source: Ukrainian Institute of Sociology / Social Monitoring Centre. Interviews with 2,000 Ukrainian adults, conducted in mid-September 2006. No margin of error was provided.

Source: Angus Reid

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Thursday, September 28, 2006

Ukraine: Naftogaz On Verge of Bankruptcy

KIEV, Ukraine -- Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych warned Thursday that the state-owned gas company Naftogaz is on the verge of bankruptcy, blaming earlier bad management.


Yanukovych said that Naftogaz could lose about $1.5 billion this year.

"As a result of extraordinary financial obligations and a year-and-a-half of criminal management, this company appears to be on the verge of bankruptcy," Yanukovych said during his Cabinet meeting.

Naftogaz is the state-owned company responsible for supplying Ukraine's residential and industrial consumers with gas.

Company officials were not immediately available for a comment.

Ukraine saw a nearly twofold increase in the price of gas imports in January after a bitter dispute with its main supplier Russia.

The countries reached a deal under which Ukraine would receive all of its imported natural gas from a little-known intermediary company, RosUkrEnergo, that is owned jointly by Gazprom and two Ukrainian businessmen.

As part of the deal, Naftogaz and RosukrEnergo created a joint venture to sell gas to Ukraine's industrial consumers; earlier, this market belonged to Naftogaz.

Yanukovych's party won the most votes in March parliamentary elections, and Yushchenko last month gave in to pressure to submit his nomination as premier to the legislature, which approved it.

Naftogaz previously was headed by an ally of Yushchenko, but the company's head resigned before Yanukovych became premier.

Source: AP

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Chornobyl Shelter Put Off Again

KIEV, Ukraine -- The construction of a long-awaited confinement arch over the Chornobyl nuclear plant’s infamous No. 4 reactor, which exploded in the 1986 accident, is once again hanging in the air, following the plant management’s cancellation of a seemingly never-ending tender to select a contractor.

Chornobyl No. 4 reactor

According to an announcement published on the plant’s website, Chornobyl director Ihor Hramotkin decided on Sept. 14 to “annul the tender and reject all bids on a new, safe confinement project.”

In an awkward attempt at damage control, the Emergencies Ministry promptly suspended Hramotkin’s decision, while Deputy Prime Minister for Fuel and Energy Andriy Kliuev declared “mutual understanding” with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which is serving as the financial administrator for the Shelter Implementation Plan (SIP).

Back in May of this year, Valeriy Kulishenko, the station’s chief engineer in charge of the SIP, told the Post that the tender winner of the tender had been selected in March. But, according to him, the other finalist in the bidding was appealing against the tender result, thereby preventing the signing of a contract that could be worth up to $1 billion in total.

The two finalists in the drawn out tender, which was announced in March 2004, were Novarca, a European-Ukrainian joint venture under the management of France’s Vinchi Group, and a United States-Ukrainian consortium under the management of U.S.-based CH2M Hill, according to the Chornobyl plant’s website.

According to Kulishenko, even though the winner was selected, the name of the company was never made public because of the pending appeal of the loser.

Both the EBRD and CH2M Hill told the Post last May that they couldn’t confirm whether or not a winner of the tender had been selected or not.

Oddly, despite the fact that Hramotkin had announced the cancellation of the tender on Sept. 14, his statement was not made public until Sept. 18, after Kliuev’s affirmations that all was well.

On Sept. 18, Kliuev’s press service released a statement on the results of a Ukraine-EBRD Joint Commission meeting in which the status of the shelter construction tender was discussed between Kliuev and EBRD Vice President Fabrizio Saccomanni.

“There are no problem issues in the relationships with the EBRD … mutual understanding has been reached on all issues,” reads the Sept. 18 statement.

Shortly after this annoucement, the Emergencies Ministry published its own statement. “Given that this news might spark controversy, a government commission will be created to study the reasons and motives for [Hramotkin] making this decision, which will give its conclusions and recommendations for further steps. [Hramotkin] took personal responsibility for his decision to cancel the tender,” the ministry said. However, it added that Hramotkin had the right to cancel the tender “as the contract awarding party, in accordance with legislation.”

Then, a few days later, on Sept. 22, the ministry released a statement (dated Sept. 15) on the suspension of Hramotkin’s decision.

“In order to study the reasons and basis for the decision of the Chornobyl Plant to cancel the tender for drafting, constructing and launching of the new safe confinement, the general director Hramotkin is to suspend it ... and report on it in person to the ministry,” reads the Emergency Ministry statement.

Ihor Storozhuk, Kliuev’s spokesperson, told the Post on Sept. 20 that the statement released by their press service claiming “mutual understanding on all the issues” should be considered the government’s official position.

Axel Reiserer, spokesman for the EBRD’s London office told the Post on Sept. 19 that the EBRD was planning to call a project donor assembly as early as October to announce the winner.

EBRD President Jean Lemierre is scheduled to visit Kyiv next week.

To date, around $1 billion has been allocated for the Shelter project by 23 countries, with the United States and EU being the largest donors.

The company that wins the tender would be responsible for assembling and mounting a giant 100-meter-high, 150-meter-long and 250-meter-wide arch to cover the plant’s notorious No. 4 Reactor, which was the site of the world’s worst nuclear accident on April 26, 1986. Originally, the winner was to be selected by the end of 2004.

According to information provided by the Emergencies Ministry, more than 330 million euros ($418 million) of the project’s funds had already been spent ahead of the tender’s closure. This amount, the ministry said, includes nearly 90 million euros ($114 million) in consulting fees.

Both CH2M’s Colorado headquarters and Hramotkin were unavailable for comment.

Source: Kyiv Post

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GUAM Police Plan To Replace Russian Peacekeepers

MOSCOW, Russia -- The foreign ministers of the GUAM nations – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova – have agreed to set up their own police force that is to replace the Russian peacekeepers in the conflict zones of the CIS.

Russian peacekeeper in Tskhinvali, South Ossetia

Simultaneously, the pro-Western GUAM states are lobbying the United Nations to pass an anti-Russian resolution. Kommersant has learned that the no-holds-barred offensive against Russia is related to worries that Russia is about to recognize the breakaway republics.

Military Council

The meeting of the GUAM foreign ministers took place Monday in New York during the 61st General Assembly. They met to discuss the progress of settlement of the frozen conflicts in the CIS. It is notable that, although Russia is involved in the Abkhazian, South Ossetian, Nagorny Karabakh and Transdniestrian conflicts as a guarantor of peace, no Russian representatives were invited to the meeting. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State David Kramer was present, however.

After a short consultation under the observation of Kramer, the ministers unanimously decided that police peacekeeping forces from the GUAM states should replace the Russian peacekeepers in conflict zones on the territories of Georgia and Moldova. In particular, as the Georgian foreign minister elucidated, an agreement was reached that GUAM peacekeepers should participate in peacekeeping operations in the zones of the Abkhazian and South Ossetian conflicts.

Implementing the agreement has been postponed indefinitely, however. The decision to establish GUAM peacekeeping forces was made only in May of this year and the quartet of countries has yet to form the joint police force.

The ministers also conciliated a strategic plan for joint activities “to expand international support in issues of peaceful settlement of drawn-out conflicts on the territories of GUAM countries.”

The main goal of the plan was for a resolution to be passed at the current General Assembly session on the frozen conflicts. “The issue of the conflicts was placed on the agenda of the session and it is logical that some document reflecting the position of the international community would be passed after the discussion,” Moldovan Minister of Reintegration Vasile Sova told Kommersant. “Enormous efforts are now being made to get the settlement process moving. International support is needed for it too.”

GUAM's desire to rid itself of Russian peacekeepers and set a firm course toward the internationalization of the conflict regions means that the group is extremely dissatisfied with Russia's behavior in settling the crises. The decision of the GUAM foreign ministers in New York is one more step to reduce Moscow's role as much as possible in the negotiations processes of conflict settlement in those countries.

Coming on Strong

It is no coincidence that the GUAM decision has been times to the UN General Assembly session. The current session has great meaning for that quartet of countries. GUAM put up a unified front against Russia even before the session began and has already scored important victories. In spite of Russia's active resistance, GUAM lobbied successfully to have the issue of the frozen conflicts placed on the session's agenda.

The UN general committee first refused Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova's request to place the issue on the agenda. However, once they received the support of the United States and Great Britain, GUAM got the decision it wanted by one vote. The results of the vote show the tension of the fight.

Sixteen countries supported the GUAM proposal, 15 opposed, 65 abstained and about 100 were simply absent from the voting.

Novruz Mamedov, head of international relations for the Azerbaijani presidential administration, told about the diplomatic skirmishes behind the scenes at The UN. “First Russian and Armenia had the issue rejected,” he recalled. “But finally the bureau couldn't help paying attention to the insistence and pressure from the GUAM countries, and then the issue was put to a vote again… We regret that Russia has again taken such a position. It makes us think certain things.”

The placement of the issue of the conflicts on the UN session agenda was Russia's first defeat, since it was an acknowledgment of the ineffectiveness of the Russian peacekeepers in the conflict zones.

Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili continued the offensive against Moscow. Inspired by a NATO decision to begin an “intensive dialog” with Tbilisi, he accused Russia of the “occupation” of Abkhazia and South Ossetia from the podium of the UN. “Those regions,” he said, “were annexed by our neighbor to the north, Russia, which supports their inclusion as part of it, intentionally making a mass issuance of Russian passports in violation of international law…

The residents of the disputed regions live under the bandit occupation of Russia. I doubt that anyone in this auditorium would tolerate such interference on their land.”

Ukrainian Foreign Minister Boris Tarasyuk could not resist a jab of his own against Russia. “Ukraine will reject any attempt to draw parallels between the problem of Kosovo and the unsettled conflicts on the territory of the GUAM countries,” he said, joining the polemic against Moscow, which insists that, if Kosovo is given independence, the regional conflicts in the CIS should be settled the same way.

Preemptive Strike

Moscow, having suffered a number of delicate setbacks, prefers to pretend that GUAM's successes do not upset it. Commenting on the inclusion of the frozen conflicts in the former USSR on the agenda of the 61st General Assembly session, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said that it was not evidence of the UN's interest in the problem, since on 16 states voted for it, while the rest were either against it or abstaining.

The meeting of the GUAM foreign ministers did not go uncommented on either. Russian Defense Minister Sergey Ivanov said of it that “Georgia is trying to take advantage of the military potential of GUAM to replace Russian peacekeepers in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The presence of additional forces on the territory of Georgia allows it to flex its muscles anytime it feels like it, as it did recently in the Kodor Gorge, and it gives it the opportunity to take advantage of them as an additional card to play in the standoff with Sukhumi and Tskhinvali.”

Ivanov made it clear that they are ready for that in Moscow. “Russia supports a settlement of the existing conflicts only through political methods and it will find adequate measures to prevent the development of a situation in that scenario,” he warned.

Moscow's patronage of the unrecognized republics is the cause of the GUAM countries aggressive rhetoric. Moldova and Georgia, which are dealing with the separatism, are seriously concerned that Russia will be able to gain recognition for the regions that reject them.

A referendum has already been held in Transdniestria in which 97 percent of the residents voted for independence and subsequent unification with Russia. South Ossetia will hold an analogical plebiscite in November. A source in the Moldovan government admitted to Kommersant that the current GUAM offensive could be considered a preemptive strike.

There have been fears in Chisinau recently that Moscow will begin procedures to recognize Transdniestria based on the results of the referendum. “Moscow's strategic goal,” the source said, “is to change the political course of Moldova, Ukraine and Georgia. They want those countries to coordinate all of their foreign policy steps with Russia.

That is how the Kremlin defines its influence in the former Soviet Union. They need to direct a friendly chorus of voices in the post-Soviet republics and force them to share their point of view. The frozen conflicts are an influence factor.

Source: Kommersant

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Wednesday, September 27, 2006

Steven Spielberg Heads To Kyiv

KYIV, Ukraine -- American director and producer Steven Spielberg is set to arrive in Kyiv October 18 to attend a screening of Sergey Bukovskiy’s documentary on the Holocaust in Ukraine, “Call Your Name.”

Steven Spielberg

Spielberg co-produced the movie together with Ukrainian businessman Viktor Pinchuk. The film was based on over 3000 video testimonies of Holocaust survivors and witnesses collected in Ukraine by the American Shoah Foundation, which Steven Spielberg founded.

The movie creators hope that the documentary evidence shown in the film will allow the viewer to conceive the scale of the tragedy experienced by Jewish people during the Second World War.

However, the movie “Call My Name,” to appear in local theatres in October, will be the first Ukrainian documentary ever to be widely released here and, therefore, it’s still unclear, even to the film’s distributors, whether the film will appeal to local audiences who mainly attend movies for entertainment’s sake.

But all that aside, it will be good to have Mr Spielberg here.

After all, with the exception of Milla Jovovich, who just happens to have been born in Kyiv, Hollywood stars hardly ever find their way to Ukraine’s capital.

It’s understandable of course – what is there for them to do here anyway?

However, those standing behind the camera – European, and sometimes American directors – do come to Kyiv from time to time to help open a festival or engage in some project.

But among them it seldom happens that a personality such as Steven Spielberg – one of the few directors known by sight worldwide graces Kyiv with his presence.

I mean, perhaps not every local viewer has seen “Schindler’s List” or even “Saving Private Ryan,” but who doesn’t know “Indiana Jones,” “Jurassic Park” or “E.T.”?

As well as their creator – the guy with a beard, glasses and a baseball cap?

Indeed, Mr Spielberg, you are very welcome!

Source: Kyiv Post

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Russia's Neighbors Splitting Gas into Atoms

MOSCOW, Russia -- The countries of the CIS are beginning a campaign to eliminate their dependence on gas from Russia. Ukraine's new energy strategy anticipates decreasing gas imports by 16.4% before 2010.


The country's increasing energy needs will be met by nuclear power stations. Almost simultaneously, Belarus declared its intentions to wean itself off gas in favor of nuclear energy.

Ukraine is expected close a deal this week with Gazprom concerning gas prices for 2007, even while the country's government is exploring ways to decrease its dependence on Russian gas.

The plan worked out by Ukraine's Energy Ministry calls for a decrease in the country's gas consumption to 71 billion cubic meters by 2009 (78 billion will be used in 2006) and for a decrease in supplies from Russia from 58 billion to 48.5 billion cubic meters.

For 2030, target gas consumption is 50 billion cubic meters, of which 30 billion are supposed to come from either within the country or from sources abroad – excluding Russia.

Ukraine is already exploring its options abroad. For example, Ukrnafta will soon be assessing and developing gas and oil fields in Libya.

To help compensate for decreased dependence on Russian gas, the country also plans to increase its generation of nuclear power to 101.2 billion kW by 2010. Ukraine's current energy production is 210.2 billion kW•hours.

The Energy Ministry's plan calls for the working lives of Ukraine's existing reactors to be prolonged by 12-15 years and for new reactors to be built after 2014 in cooperation with the American company Westinghouse Electric, which will be providing experimental fuel for the reactors.

If the experiments are successful, the Ukrainian company Energoatom will have a source of reactor fuel that is completely independent of Russia.

The idea of exchanging gas energy for nuclear energy is gaining popularity among the countries of the CIS. Belarus, whose reliance on Russian gas is almost total, is already deciding on the location where a nuclear plant will be built.

If the plan is realized, by 2010 the country will get a third of its energy from nuclear sources. Meanwhile, Georgia is following a different path: the country is anticipating the completion of a pipeline supplying gas from Azerbaijan and, possibly, Iran.

Thus, even as EU officials investigate whether Gazprom has the resources necessary to provide for Europe's gas needs, the countries of the CIS are taking a different route to energy security by turning to sources that are not associated with Russia.

Source: Kommersant

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Ukraine To Mark Anniversary Of Babi Yar

KIEV, Ukraine -- When the notices went up in Kiev ordering the Jews to gather on the corner of Melnyka and Dokterivska streets by 8 a.m., they assumed the Nazis were shipping them to a ghetto.

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko, second left, and Israeli President Moshe Katsav, left, visit the exhibition marking the 65th anniversary of the Nazi massacre at Babi Yar

Some even arrived early for a good seat on the train. There were no trains. What met the Jews that morning was death in a ravine called Babi Yar.

The mass murder on the outskirts of the Ukrainian capital 65 years ago Friday has made the name Babi Yar infamous and has come to be seen as foreshadowing the gas chambers and crematoria of the Final Solution.

Forced to undress, the Jews were herded in groups _ men, women and children _ to the edge of a ravine. For 48 hours, the Nazis gunned down the crowd until at least 33,771 Jews _ the number recorded by the German executioners _ were dead.

The bodies that toppled down the embankment would be joined in the ensuing months by at least another 70,000 dead: Jews, Soviet POWs, other Kievans.

"Time can heal wounds, but it should not erase them from our memories," Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko said as he launched two days of commemorations attended by Israeli President Moshe Katsav and 1,000 guests representing 41 countries.

"Not only bodies were buried at Babi Yar, but also hopes, dreams and expectations," said Yushchenko, whose father, a Red Army soldier, was prisoner No. 11365 at Auschwitz.

Ukraine was a Soviet republic when the Germans invaded in 1941. It became independent with the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, and hopes the Babi Yar commemoration will show the world that it has completely shaken off the Soviet-enforced silence that clung to the tragedy for decades.

The commemorations began Tuesday with the opening of an exhibit entitled "Forewarning the Future," featuring photos of naked and twisted bodies stacked together at Babi Yar. They continue Wednesday at the ravine.

The commemorations come as Ukraine's Jewish community worries about the sale of anti-Semitic books and newspapers in the capital and a series of attacks on Jews near a synagogue last year.

Before World War II about 175,000 of Kiev's 875,000 people were Jewish. Today official figures say there are 103,000 Jews in all of Ukraine, although the Jewish community says the number is several times higher.

"Every Ukrainian city has its own Babi Yar," said Roman Levith, 73, who survived because his mother managed to get new passports with Ukrainian-sounding last names that fooled the Nazis. Six of his relatives died.

"I survived only because I don't look like a Jew," said Oleksiy Volikov, 72, who witnessed the Babi Yar executions firsthand as a boy of 7. "People's bodies were thrown into the pit like dead chickens."

Valentyna Sukalo, 82, cried as she recalled the Jews passing her house on the way to Babi Yar. "They were scared, some begged my mother to take their baby," Sukalo said, her eyes filling with tears. "We had to say no. We were already hiding one Jewish family _ a mother and daughter. There wasn't room. All we could do was say goodbye."

The exact number killed was never known; as the Red Army approached two years later, Jewish prisoners were ordered to dig up the bodies and burn them.

For years, the atrocity went officially unmarked, while an expanding Kiev grew around the ravine.

Then, in 1961, Russian poet Yevgeny Yevtushenko drew international attention to the massacre with "Babi Yar:"

"... Wild grasses rustle over Babi Yar,

"The trees look sternly, as if passing judgment.

"Here, silently, all screams, and, hat in hand,

"I feel my hair changing shade to gray ..."

Russian composer Dmitri Shostakovich set it to music in his Symphony No. 13. Soviet authorities tried to suppress the poem and the symphony, then offered a half-measure: a towering bronze monument at Babi Yar that made no mention of Jews.

Only in 1991, with Soviet rule coming to an end, was the Jewish community allowed to raise a 10-foot menorah at the ravine.

Today, the place where tens of thousands of bodies once lay is part of a popular tree-lined park, but still has the air of a forgotten monument. Boys play soccer there, and young couples slip past the hedges to stretch out on the carefully cut grass in the ravine.

Source: AP

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Tuesday, September 26, 2006

Six Ways For Yanukovych And Allies To Circumvent Yuschenko On Foreign Policy

KIEV, Ukraine -- The accustomed division of prerogatives in Ukraine, whereby the president handles foreign policy while the prime minister oversees the economy, is no longer operational.

Viktor Yanukovych

The constitutional reform has shifted the balance of power in prime minister’s favor. By turning down a NATO-Ukraine Membership Action Plan, and receiving the support of parliament and government against the president over this issue, Viktor Yanukovych has just demonstrated that the prime minister can and will conduct foreign policy in a hands-on style.

President Viktor Yushchenko’s team seemed not to recognize this new reality when it opted for a governing arrangement with Yanukovych’s Party of Regions. The presidency continued describing its authority to conduct foreign policy as the holy of holies of presidential powers.

However, it now seems unable to defend that authority in practice from the prime minister’s and parliamentary majority’s far-reaching forays.

Following the Cabinet and Rada resolutions in his favor, Yanukovych felt emboldened enough to tell foreign journalists in Kyiv, “Viktor Andriyovich’s [Yushchenko] wishes sometimes exceed his possibilities”.

He also cautioned the presidentially appointed ministers of defense and foreign affairs to “act more correctly,” stop mounting the “political tribunes,” coordinate their positions with him and the government, and limit themselves to expressing consensus views when going public.

Yanukovych tersely ruled out Defense Minister Anatoliy Hrytsenko’s suggestion to implement MAP reforms de facto, without a formal MAP, on the basis of presidential authority. “That can’t be and won’t be,” Yanukovych retorted, warning that he would impose “strict discipline” in that regard.

The beleaguered presidency now seems to realize that the vaguely worded National Unity Declaration -- ostensibly the basis of the governing coalition -- is no defense against Yanukovych’s and Regions’ expansion of power.

Blindsided by Yanukovych’s move in Brussels, Yushchenko initially issued a “first political warning” to the prime minister, which the latter demonstratively ignored. The presidency then considered calling a special meeting of the National Security and Defense Council (NSDC) to reaffirm Yushchenko’s supreme authority on foreign and defense policies and to instruct all branches of power to follow the presidential line.

Moreover, a statement by Viktor Baloha, newly appointed head of the Presidential Secretariat, rebuffed the Rada’s resolution as “provocative,” “confrontational,” and encroaching on the president’s prerogatives. However, the presidency was quick to retreat from a confrontation.

The NSDC’s session, held on September 20, introduced a note of realism to the presidency’s discourse on NATO membership and Yushchenko “would not like Ukraine to be drawn into senseless discussions about NATO membership, as the issue is not on the agenda at this stage,” he told the country after the session.

The president redefined the issue as involving a determination of whether Ukraine will be ready for MAP in a follow-up stage of cooperation with NATO. The pro-NATO ministers of foreign affairs and defense, Borys Tarasyuk and Anatoliy Hrytsenko, have fallen back on the position that Yanukovych’s renunciation of Ukraine’s MAP has no long-term consequences, but only slowed down Ukraine’s advance toward NATO for the short term.

However, the presidency’s would-be coalition partners have quickly found mechanisms to offset or bypass the president’s formal authority over foreign policy. On the legal side, these mechanisms include: the hitherto overlooked constitutional Article 85, paragraph 5; the prime minister’s responsibility to a newly empowered parliament; his ability to demand cabinet discipline; and the parliament’s ability to raise legislative obstacles to Ukraine’s bid for NATO membership.

On the extralegal side, the method just seen consists of ignoring or even excluding pro-NATO ministers from key deliberations and delegations. Not used or tested as yet is the circumvention of presidential policy by under financing military reforms (although public information funding is already threatened). This can be applied even in the absence of rhetorical opposition to NATO.

Thus, the debate needs to be substantially recast with account taken of the shift of political power in the country. It must begin by recognizing that MAP was no longer available to Ukraine this year after the thwarting of joint military exercises in early summer, the formation of the Ukrainian government in its present form, and the full if belated realization of NATO’s low popularity rating in Ukraine.

Ultimately -- as Bruce Jackson, president of the U.S.-based Project on Transitional Democracies, points out -- Yanukovych’s stance in Brussels could not have been different and becomes in that way comprehensible.

The situation underscores the need to change perceptions in Ukraine’s public opinion and, equally, to work patiently with the Party of Regions leadership, educating it to a better understanding of law-based governance and national interests.

Source: Eurasia Daily Monitor

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European Union Steps Up Investments In Ukraine

KIEV, Ukraine -- As of July 1, 2006, the volume of direct foreign investments in Ukraine from European Union countries amounted to 13,544.5 billion USD (10,678.24 Euro) or 73.7 percent of the general volume of investments.


During the similar period of 2005 the amount of direct foreign investments reached 4,967.9 bn. USD, reports Trend.

According to the State Statistics Committee of Ukraine, finances, metallurgy and metal processing, whole-sale and trade intermediary services, immovable operations, food industry and agricultural product processing were the most attractive spheres for EU investors, Cabinet's press office reported.

Main investor-countries, which invested 86.1 percent of the EU investments were reported as follows: Germany (5,503.2 bn. USD, 40.6%), Cyprus (2,42.9 bn. USD, 15.1%), Austria (1,506.3 bn. USD, 11.1%), Great Britain (1,435.5 bn. USD. 10,6%) and the Netherlands (1,178.6 bn. USD, 8.7%).

Ukraine's investments to the EU reached 61.1 mln USD, or 26.7 percent of the general amount of Ukrainian investments. Most of investments were directed to Poland (22.1 mln USD, 32.6%), Great Britain (13.9 mln USD, 22.7%), Spain (13.8 mln USD, 22.6%) and Latvia (3.3 mln USD, 5.5%).

The general sum of direct foreign investments to Ukraine, as of July 1, 2006, was 18.3 billion USD.

Source: Trend

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U.S. Supports Bid By Ukraine For NATO Membership

NEW YORK, NY -- The United States told Ukraine on Sept. 25 it would back an application by the former Soviet republic to join NATO, even though the country’s new prime minister has put membership of the alliance on hold.

Condoleezza Rice (L) and Borys Tarasyuk (R)

U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice discussed possible NATO membership with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly.

"She reiterated that the U.S. supports Ukraine’s integration with Euro-Atlantic institutions," said a senior State Department official after the meeting, referring to potential membership of NATO.

"The pace of that evolving relationship will depend on continued reforms in Ukraine and the Ukrainian government’s comfort with the pace of that evolving relationship," added the official.

Ukraine’s new Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich told NATO this month his government was putting on hold its aspirations to join the alliance because of public opposition and to preserve relations with Russia.

A day later, reformist President Victor Yushchenko said that decision was wrong and should be reversed.

Yushchenko, who came to power in the Orange Revolution after defeating Yanukovich in a flawed 2004 election, sees Ukraine’s future as being entwined with Europe and the West.

Yanukovich wants to orientate the country more towards Moscow.

Local polls show low support for NATO membership in Ukraine, where many people remember Soviet-era campaigns against the alliance. One recent survey put support at less than 20 percent.

The State Department official said Rice had made clear that the United States was ready to work closely with Ukraine’s new democratically elected government and discussed the possibility of a visit to Ukraine.

Source: Reuters

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Monday, September 25, 2006

Ukraine Is Alleged Of Selling Kolchuga To Iran

KIEV, Ukraine -- Jane’s Defence Weekly reported on Monday Ukraine had sold Kolchuga radio intelligence complexes to Iran. According, to British experts, such acquirement equipment has been aimed at reinforcement of Iran’s antiaircraft defence in the light of the nuclear program.

Kolchuga Station

The Kolchuga is intended to detect the take-off and formation of aircraft groups at ranges beyond those of existing radar, as well as determine the course and speed of targets while designating them for air-defence systems.

It can identify aerial targets through their emissions and identify the mode of aircraft weapon control systems.

Three Kolchuga stations would normally operate along with a command vehicle to provide accurate triangulation on a target. The system is claimed to have a range of 600 km (narrow beam) or 200 km (wide beam) along a front of 1,000 km.

It is not known how many Kolchuga stations Iran has acquired. However, sources told Jane's that each costs about USD25 million, with deliveries either recent or imminent.

It is not the first time when Ukraine is alleged in selling of Kolchuga. In 2001-2002 the country was alleged in illegal sale of this intelligence complex to Saddam Hussein’s regime.

It was the most serious scandal in the history of the independent Ukraine. Along with Gongadze’s case, it led to the international isolation of Ex-President Leonid Kuchma.

However, having launched military operation in Iraq, the US admitted that it was false allegations against Ukraine. None of such complexes was found in the territory of Iraq, the US proved.

“The USA does not raise issues related to Kolchuga within the context of its relations with Ukraine anymore,” said the US Ex-Ambassador to Ukraine John Herbst in November 2003.

Source: Forum

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Ukraine Prepares To Commemorate Nazi Massacre In Kiev

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukraine will commemorate on Wednesday the anniversary of a massacre at Babi Yar, a grassy ravine in Kiev where Nazi forces killed 34,000 Jews in two days 65 years ago.


Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko, whose father was imprisoned at the Auschwitz concentration camp during World War II, will host Israeli President Moshe Katzav, as well as his Croatian and Montenegrin counterparts.

Thirty foreign delegations, including from Moscow and Washington, are expected to attend the event and an exhibition about the tragedy that is set to open on Tuesday.

The commemoration ceremonies are to start by the monument to the memory of the victims of the Babi Yar (Woman’s Ravine) massacres on Wednesday -- to be followed later in the day by an international forum entitled ‘Let My People Go.’

The forum on xenophobia and anti-Semitism is being organised jointly by Ukrainian authorities, the World Holocaust Forum and the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial.

‘The Holocaust didn’t come out of nowhere, it formed gradually. It’s only by examining closely the microbes called anti-Semitism that we can understand where they come from,’ said Moshe Kantor of the European Jewish Congress.

The massacres at Babi Yar were on a scale that defies comprehension.

Nearly 34,000 Jews, many of them elderly, women and children, were forced to gather at Babi Yar by German troops just days after the Nazi invasion. They were shot along the ravine’s edge on September 29 and 30, 1941.

Some 800,000 Ukrainian Jews were killed in the war.

Ukraine today has around 500,000 Jews -- the fourth largest Jewish population in the world after Israel, Russia and the United States.

The ravine continued to be used for executions and up to 60,000 more people -- Jews, Roma, resistance fighters and Soviet prisoners of war -- were killed there until 1943.

Before retreating from the advancing Red Army in 1943, Nazi troops exhumed and burned the corpses at Babi Yar in a last-ditch bid to hide the atrocities committed there.

But the secrets of Babi Yar became part of the accusations against senior Nazi officials at the Nuremberg trials and a monument was erected in Soviet times to the memory of the victims.

Soviet authorities, however, sought to play down the sensitive Jewish component of the history of Babi Yar. Anniversary gatherings were banned at the site and there was an attempt to build a stadium there in the 1960s.

In 1991, the Jewish community erected a menorah-shaped sculpture nearby.

Source: Khaleej Times

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Ukraine, New Cabinet In Parallel

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukraine former Prime Minister Yulia Timoshenko intends to form a new government working in parallel to the cabinet of Victor Yanukovich hoping to take the reins of the Executive, press media commented on Sunday.

Yulia Timoshenko

According to Timoshenko´s plans, the ministers appointed by the opposition political bloc will make the reserve of the future Executive, revealed the Korrespondent.net online newspaper.

Officials in charge of the ministries will be the same as those holding the seats of an authentic ministerial cabinet, assured Timoshenko confident on the prompt triumph.

Referring to the realization of her plans, she said that the "shadow government" could come into fruition after the Our Ukraine pro-governmental bloc headed by Victor Yushenko decides whether it joins the illegal adventure or not.

The paper recalls that after the fission of the "orange coalition", precisely with Our Ukraine and the Socialist Party to constitute the parliamentary majority, Timoshenko lost the opportunity to recover the coveted seat of prime minister.

She does not want to participate in the anti-crisis alliance led by Prime Minister Victor Yanukovich either as she considers him her very first political enemy.

Source: Prensa Latina

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Sunday, September 24, 2006

EU Welcomes Ukrainian PM's Pledge To Seek Closer Ties

BRUSSELS, Belgium -- The European Union appeared to push any misgivings about Ukraine's new prime minister into the background Thursday and gave a warm welcome to Viktor Yanukovych's pledge to reform the economy and fight corruption.

Ukraine's Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych answers reporters' questions at the European Commission headquarters in Brussels September 21, 2006.

"I believe we are going to have a very good working relationship," European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso told Yanukovych as the Ukrainian wrapped up his second visit to EU headquarters in eight days.

Yanukovych has enjoyed a political rebirth this year in elections that brought him to power less than two years after his fraud-marred attempt to win the Ukrainian presidency in 2004 sparked the Orange Revolution protests.

Back then, many in the west viewed the Russian-supported Yanukovych with suspicion and welcomed his ultimate defeat by his pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko.

Now he's back at the head of a coalition government, Yanukovych says he wants Ukraine to be a bridge between Russia and the EU. Ukraine, he says, seeks closer political cooperation with the EU, a free-trade zone and eventual membership of the Union.

While the EU views Ukraine's membership as a step too far in its eastward expansion, it is encouraged by Yanukovych's pro-Western statements.

Asked by a reporter to assess the potential for cooperation with Yanukovych after their first meeting, Barroso gave an upbeat reply.

"What matters is not if it's party A or party B, or personality A or personality B. What is important is the commitment to our common values of democracy, rule of law and open economies," he said. "I'm very happy that the new government has stated the commitment of Ukraine to political and economic reform and its attachment to European values."

Yanukovych restated that EU membership remains a "strategic goal" for Ukraine, but acknowledged the former-Soviet republic of 47 million faces a "difficult road" to gain membership. Barroso said the EU would support economic and political reforms designed to bring Ukraine closer to the EU and improve living standards.

He also gave the EU's backing for Ukraine's bid to join the World Trade Organization, a step Yanukovych hopes will lead to the negotiation of a free trade zone with the 25-nation bloc.

The EU has no plans to offer Kiev membership and instead suggests an agreement to cement closer economic and political ties, including free trade. "Our objective is to bring Ukraine closer to the European Union," Barroso said.

Yanukovych said Ukraine had no plans to sign up to a customs union with Russia - a move which the EU has warned would hurt its chances of setting up a free trade zone with the European Union.

Although he has maintained a pro-EU line, Yanukovych upset President Yushchenko and some ministers in his own government last week when he told NATO that Ukraine was putting its bid to join the Western military alliance on hold because of widespread public opposition in the country.

Pressed about NATO membership again, Yanukovych said his position had the support of parliament and repeated that joining the alliance would have to be submitted to a referendum in Ukraine.

Source: AP

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Saturday, September 23, 2006

Milestone Reached In Arms-Destruction Project In Ukraine

WASHINGTON, DC -- The controlled destruction of 1,000 Ukrainian shoulder-fired missiles was completed on September 20, the State Department says. Project represents collaboration between NATO and Partnership for Peace program.


The destruction of these arms, formally known as man-portable air defense systems (MANPADS), took place outside the city of Shostka, Ukraine, according to a September 21 State Department announcement.

This is only the first installment in a project to destroy weapons and munitions that will take 12 years to complete.

Ukraine is collaborating with NATO as part of a Partnership for Peace Trust Fund initiative. It is the largest multilateral project of its kind, according to the announcement.

The Partnership for Peace program (PfP) involves practical bilateral cooperation between individual countries and NATO. It allows PfP countries to establish an individualized relationship with the alliance, choosing their own priorities for joint cooperation ventures.

The State Department identified two reasons for Ukraine's decision to pursue this project:

• Several major explosions of unstable ordnance in Ukrainian munitions depots; and

• The need to prevent weapons and munitions from falling into the hands of illicit arms traffickers, criminals or terrorists.

The threat from MANPADS is very real. The State Department estimates that since the 1970s more than 40 civilian aircraft have been hit by MANPADS, causing about 25 crashes and over 600 deaths around the world.

Also scheduled to be destroyed during the first phase of this NATO-Ukraine project are 15,000 tons of excess and unstable munitions, including ammunition for automatic weapons, artillery shells, mortar rounds and 400,000 small arms and light weapons.

The aim of the project, when complete, is to destroy safely 1.5 million small arms and light weapons, and 133,000 tons of munitions.

Source: U.S. Department of State

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Rudderless Ship

KIEV, Ukraine -- Last Friday, Sept. 15, President Viktor Yushchenko had a long chat with Premier Viktor Yanukovych, at which Yushchenko voiced his concern about the actions of the new cabinet, saying it must abide by the National Unity Pact signed between the president and the Rada majority.

President Viktor Yushchenko

In a briefing later that day Yushchenko said he gave Yanukovych his first political warning and confirmed there is a joint plan to correct the situation. We shall see if this happens.

Yushchenko described Yanukovych’s attempt to revise foreign policy at his recent meeting at NATO headquarters as unacceptable.

The previous day Yanukovych had called for a pause in plans to join NATO, but said Ukraine would continue efforts to join the EU.

Yushchenko said the opposite, reiterating that the country’s goal to join the EU and NATO would not change.

The mixed messages are a problem.

Yushchenko, not surprisingly, was supported by Defense Minister Anatoliy Hrytsenko and Foreign Minister Boris Tarasiuk, two of his appointees.

Hrytsenko said Ukraine will implement the NATO membership Action Plan despite Yanukovych's statements, while Tarasiuk said Yanukovych has no authority to formulate foreign policy.

Yanukovych’s argument that the people do not support NATO membership is weak because the issues have not been explained. However, that’s not the point.

Ever since Yanukovych became premier he has, with the help of the speaker, been pushing the president aside.

Most people believed that, in line with constitutional reform, foreign policy is the president’s remit. But now this doesn't seem to be so.

In practical terms, membership of NATO comes before EU membership. This was certainly the case for countries like Poland.

So who's leading the country now? It seems like a ship without a captain.

There is also a real danger that foreign policy will just stagnate and the country will go nowhere.

Source: Kyiv Post

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No Morals

KIEV, Ukraine -- Last week Regions MP Eduard Prutnik was elected head of the State Committee for TV and Radio Broadcasting.

Eduard Prutnik (L)

Prutnik served as the deputy head of the Donetsk regional council and an advisor to Premier Yanukovych in 2002-05.

Formally, Prutnik has no experience of media, just PR work for Yanukovych. Yet, Prutnik’s name has been continually connected to ownership of a TV channel that has exhibited a pro-Regions bias.

He was also accused of rigging the 2004 election in favor of Yanukovych.

Such an overtly political person should not head a state body which has a say on programming on state media, particularly after the crude manipulation of the media seen when Yanukovych was first premier.

What is most astonishing is that of the 244 MPs who voted for Prutnik last week, 17 were from the supposedly opposition Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc.

It is a damning indictment on the corruptibility of MPs that Yulia Tymoshenko says that one senior figure in the cabinet continues to bribe her MPs.

There is little moral fiber in Ukrainian politics.

State media appointments should be apolitical and based only on professionalism.

This appointment stinks of hypocrisy and should be condemned.

Not so long ago the Regions were telling us about the lack of professionalism in the Orange camp.

The danger is the Regions will soon get the necessary votes to amend the Constitution.

It is time for Tymoshenko to galvanize the opposition into action, otherwise there will be no counterweight to the authorities, and parliament could, if the wishes of one Regions MP materialize, shortly be electing the president, depriving voters of this right.

Source: Kyiv Post

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Friday, September 22, 2006

Tymoshenko Announces Creation Of Parliamentary Opposition

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian opposition leader Yulia Tymoshenko on Friday announced the creation of a parliamentary bloc that will press for Ukraine to continue its pro-Western course.

Yulia Tymoshenko

With two defectors from the Socialist Party allying themselves with Tymoshenko's bloc, the opposition has 123 seats in the 450-seat Ukrainian parliament.

"We want to raise the flag that was dragged through the mud by politicians' treason," Tymoshenko declared.

Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, whose fraud-marred bid for the presidency sparked the 2004 Orange Revolution mass protests, put together a majority coalition this summer after an agreement between Tymoshenko and her former Orange Revolution allies fell apart.

The ruling coalition, which also includes the Communists, nominated Yanukovych to be premier, and President Viktor Yushchenko agreed to it, after making Yanukovych pledge to uphold the country's democratic advances and continue his pro-Western policies.

Yanukovych, who had the Kremlin's backing in his failed 2004 presidential bid, is seen as more pro-Russian.

During his recent visit to Brussels, Yanukovych said that Ukraine was putting its bid to join NATO on hold because of widespread public opposition in the country — a move that was sharply criticized by Yushchenko.

Yanukovych has said that Ukraine's bid to join the European Union remains on target, and he has taken the West's advice and ruled out joining a customs union with Russia and other ex-Soviet republics.

Tymoshenko, whose fiery speeches helped make her a leader of the Orange Revolution, had hoped members of Yushchenko's pro-Western party would join her in opposition, but they accepted seats in Yanukovych's government and are still holding talks on joining Yanukovych's coalition.

She has called Yanukovych illegitimate and demanded the dismissal of parliament, but she is far short of the support necessary for such an action.

"The ideas of democracy and European choice are our key priorities," said lawmaker Iosyp Vinsky, one of two Socialist Party members who joined Tymoshenko's bloc in creating the new opposition.

Source: AP

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Europe’s Largest Outdoor Advertiser Comes To Ukraine

KIEV, Ukraine -- One of the world’s biggest outdoor advertisers has moved into Ukraine’s and Russia’s large-format advertising industries by consolidating forces with a major regional big board outfit in a multimillion-dollar merger aimed at staking out its share in these potentially lucrative growth markets.


French big board and street furniture giant JCDecaux announced Sept. 7 that it had entered the Ukrainian and Russian outdoor advertising markets through the creation of a joint venture called BigBoard BV with Czech-based BigBoard Group SA, in which BigBoard Group SA will have a 60 percent interest, and the family-run JCDecaux will have the remaining 40 percent.

According to JCDecaux, it is the number one outdoor advertising company in Europe and the Asia-Pacific, and number two worldwide.

In addition to large format billboards, the company provides street furniture, such as bus shelters, freestanding units, public toilets and kiosks, and operates more than 700,000 advertising displays across 3,500 cities in 45 countries around the world.

The company reported more than 1.7 billion euros ($2.1 billion) in revenues in 2005 and nearly 950 million euros ($1.2 billion) in revenues in the first half of 2006.

Founded in 1992, BigBoard Group SA has been operating on the Ukrainian market for the last 13 years. In addition to the Czech Republic, Ukraine and Russia, BigBoard also operates in Slovakia and Belarus.

JCDecaux said in its Sept. 7 statement that BigBoard Group SA is the leading outdoor advertising company in Ukraine, with “more than 7,400 faces in 32 cities and a market share of approximately 20 percent.”

In Russia, BigBoard operates more than 3,000 advertising faces, and maintains a presence in eight out of 12 Russian cities with more than 1 million inhabitants.

JCDecaux said that BigBoard Group’s combined Ukrainian-Russian operations generated around $30 million in advertising revenues last year.

“Russia and Ukraine are currently two advertising markets where it is possible to achieve more than 10 percent growth year-on-year,” JCDecaux quoted its co-CEO Jean-Francois Decaux as saying.

“Our joint venture with BigBoard Group SA will enhance our growth profile in the fast growing East European advertising markets, where JCDecaux has already achieved market leadership in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Croatia, Serbia,” he said.

Under the 60-40 deal, JCDecaux said that BigBoard Group SA is contributing its existing outdoor advertising network in Ukraine and Russia, while JCDecaux is making “a cash injection, which will … allow it to participate in the consolidation of the outdoor advertising market in both countries.”

According to the CEO of BigBoard’s Russian operations, Ruslan Zheludyk, BigBoard BV will represent JCDecaux’s interests, and do business with all of the French company’s clients in Russia and Ukraine, the Russian website Sostav.ru reported Sept. 8.

Askold Shestunov, the CEO of BigBoard’s operations in Ukraine, told the Post on Sept. 12 that his company’s French partner had paid more than $52 million for its 40 percent share in the new Dutch-registered BigBoard BV.

Shestunov said it was possible that JCDecaux could increase its share in the JV in the future, but “no decision or commitment has been made for the time being.”

He said that in addition to the initial $52 million investment, JCDecaux has invested more than $26 million to finance “future external growth.”

According to Shestunov, BigBoard’s contribution to the joint venture would be its Ukrainian and Russian operations, adding that given the Ukrainian advertising market’s growth and increasing competition, it was becoming increasingly more difficult for Ukrainian companies to maintain their share of the market without a foreign partner.

Regarding the fact that both JCDecaux and BigBoard Group SA also have operations in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, Shestunov said that mergers in these countries have not yet been contemplated.

According to Ukrainian Media Monitor, a Kyiv-based advertising-market research firm, in 2005 the country’s outdoor advertising market was valued at $116 million in terms of advertising revenues. Media Monitor estimates the total number of billboards in Ukraine at around 65,000.

Shestunov said the Ukrainian outdoor advertising market is expected to grow to $150 million in 2006.

Regarding market share, according to Ukrainian Media Monitor, BigBoard SA controlled an 8 percent share of the outdoor advertising market, and was the largest outdoor advertiser in Ukraine as of June of this year, followed by Kyiv-based Luvers, Poster, Octagon and RTM, with market shares of 4 percent each.

In Kyiv, BigBoard SA was the second largest in the same period, with a market share of 10.4 percent, behind Luvers, with a 16.8 percent share, and ahead of Poster, with a share of 8.2 percent, and PTM, with a 5.2 percent share of the outdoor advertising market in the capital.

Shestunov said that the 20 percent figure cited by JCDecaux with respect to BigBoard’s Ukrainian market share included the BigBoard network’s partnership agreements with other advertising firms, some of which BigBoard owns, although Shestunov would not disclose which ones.

According to BigBoard’s website, in 2005 BigBoard and Poster merged their sales departments under a company called Big Media.

As for the JV’s possible consolidation targets, meaning other companies that the JV plans to merge with in Ukraine, Shestunov said that “opportunities are being studied.”

Shestunov denied that the JV was looking to monopolize the Ukrainian outdoor advertising market, adding that it was the street furniture concept that JCDecaux wanted to introduce to Kyiv and other cities in Ukraine, where, he said, the concept remains largely undeveloped.

He added that the Ukrainian billboard market hardly leaves much room for expansion, since all the sellable locations in Ukraine’s major cities are taken.

Andrew Kinsel, CEO of Perekhid Media, a Kyiv-based media holding with interests in Internet, publishing, radio, and outdoor advertising through its subsidiary Perekhid Outdoor, commented that a strong foreign partner in the outdoor business was “useful, but not necessary to survive.”

“There will also be room on the market for Ukrainian billboard companies,” Kinsel said.

However, he added, the industry would see significant consolidation within the next five years, when “Five companies will control 90 percent of the market.”

Source: Kyiv Post

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PM Sidetracks President Abroad

KIEV, Ukraine -- Despite coming to power on the wave of the Orange Revolution and having his party offered a place in a parliamentary majority following the last general election, President Viktor Yushchenko is now fighting for his and his party’s political future as the new parliamentary coalition put together by the Donetsk-based Party of Regions continues to chip away at his powers.


Yushchenko now finds himself at a crucial stage in his struggle to retain those powers he legitimately holds after losing many as a result of controversial constitutional amendments that came into effect in January.

The president is battling opponents in and beyond his Our Ukraine faction, with the coming weeks likely to force a decision as to whether the pro-presidential faction will join the pro-Russian coalition or go into opposition.

Our Ukraine, the flagship party of the Orange Revolution, is divided over its affinities. Even Yushchenko’s inner team is showing cracks, with long-time presidential ally Oleh Rybachuk being replaced as chief of the presidential secretariat last week.

At the same time, opposition figure Yulia Tymoshenko, who has challenged Yushchenko’s right to head the country’s democratic movement, said she plans to make an announcement on Sept. 22 about the creation of a united opposition force.

Tymoshenko, who had stood side by side with Yushchenko during his fight for the presidency against Regions leader Viktor Yanukovych in 2004, has said that her bloc is preparing to create an inter-factional opposition association, which would be joined by lawmakers from Our Ukraine and defectors from the Regions-led coalition.

Foreign policy questioned

The political temperature rose last week when Prime Minister Yanukovych said during his official visit to NATO headquarters in Brussels that Ukraine would be taking a break in its attempts to join NATO, though it would still be striving to enter the EU. In practical terms, joining NATO has preceded EU membership.

Yushchenko has ardently supported Ukraine’s Western integration. The day after the visit, Yushchenko and Yanukovych held a long discussion. Afterwards, Yushchenko told the media that he had given Yanukovych his first political warning for things certain government executives were doing.

Yushchenko was supported by Defense Minister Anatoliy Hrytsenko and Foreign Minister Boris Tarasiuk, both pro-Western figures occupying positions that Yushchenko still has the right to fill. Hrytsenko said Ukraine would continue to implement the NATO membership Action Plan, regardless. Tarasiuk said Yanukovych has no authority to formulate foreign policy, since the Constitution says the president oversees its implementation.

Ever since Yanukovych became premier he has, with the help of Socialist parliament speaker Oleksandr Moroz, been pushing the president aside.

On Sept. 17 Moroz told Yushchenko that he would sign laws that the president vetoed if the vetoes had been overcome and Yushchenko still refused to sign them. Moroz’s behavior during his first stint as speaker had not been so brash with the previous president.

Yushchenko has tried to draw the attention of Moroz and Yanukovych to the National Unity Pact signed last month as a condition to Yushchenko supporting Yanukovych for premier. Yushchenko told the briefing last Friday, Sept. 15, that his warning to Yanukovych was due to the latter’s violation of the pact.

Clashes on all fronts

The provisions of the Pact include ensuring the status of Ukrainian as the country’s only official language, Euro-Atlantic integration and the exclusion of the possibility of federalization. The actions of the Cabinet, which is dominated by Regions, and comments by some of the Donetsk-based party’s members, are now casting doubts over the pact.

One senior Regions lawmaker said recently that parliament should elect the president, and not the electorate. To do this, the Constitution needs to be changed, and steps are being taken by the majority to get the necessary MPs from other factions. In fact, Tymoshenko has accused a senior member of the Cabinet of bribing her MPs.

During the parliamentary vote to elect a new head of the State Committee for TV and Radio Broadcasting, 17 of the 244 MPs who voted for Eduard Prutnik were from her bloc. The prospect exists that if the coalition gets the necessary 300 MPs it would change the Constitution, and even impeach Yushchenko.

Moreover, Yushchenko announced last Friday that he had ordered the Prosecutor General’s Office to investigate allegedly discriminatory VAT export refunds made illegally in August to three large enterprises, which belong to System Capital Management, majority owned by senior Regions MP and magnate Rinat Akhmetov.

What lies ahead

The next week will be crucial to the country’s political future.

With BYuT promising an announcement imminently on creating an opposition force and two draft laws on the opposition submitted to parliament, the official status of the opposition looks likely to be decided soon. Our Ukraine will have to decide whether to work with the Regions or oppose them.

Speaking about the hold up in the coalition, Our Ukraine spokesperson Tetyana Mokridi told the Post on Sept. 20 that Our Ukraine has been waiting an entire week for Regions to take the initiative. She dismissed fears that the faction could split into anti- and pro-coalition camps.

As to BYuT setting a deadline, Mokridi said, "That was a unilateral decision by them. Our Ukraine's decision will be made on the basis of the talks in a couple of days."

Commenting on unity with Our Ukraine, Taras Postushenko, deputy head of BYuT’s press service said: “We are definitely optimistic, as there are many Our Ukraine deputies who won’t agree to a joint coalition with Regions.”

Postushenko said that in such a case, a so-called inter-factional alliance will be formed.

Yuriy Yakymenko, director of Political and Legal Programs at the Razumkov Center think tank, believes stalemate will continue.

He told the Post that “the situation will drag on, with MPs on all sides waiting to see who gets the upper hand – the president or Regions … However, not only is Regions appointing its own people and interfering in foreign policy, it also wants to give more power to regional councils.

"The president still has a strong lever in the regions through the vertical executive, or right to appoint governors, and so forth, but there are now moves to shift power to regional councils," Yakymenko said.

Source: Kyiv Post

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Thursday, September 21, 2006

International Holocaust Memorial for Nazi Babi Yar Ukraine Massacre

KIEV, Ukraine -- For two days in late September, a quiet ravine deep within the forests outside of Kiev, Ukraine, will become the site of an international memorial event for one of the bloodiest massacres of the Nazi Holocaust.


Called Babi Yar, the site was witness to the murder of more than 33,000 Jews over the course of a five day period in the fall of 1941. While the event is well documented by Holocaust historians and remembered by the families of its victims, the Babi Yar massacre has become part of the "hidden Holocaust," according to Moshe Kantor, organizer of the memorial ceremonies that will include the participation of dignitaries from more than 40 nations.

"Most people today simply do not know what happened there," says Kantor, President of the Russian Jewish Congress and Chairman of the Board of Governors of the European Jewish Congress. "Most troubling is the fact that much of the world was tolerant of the Nazi crimes that took place at Babi Yar and that tragic permissiveness allowed more than 6,000 similar slaughters to take place over the coming years - and all this before the ‘official’ death camps were even built."

More than 40 nations, including Russia, the US and Israel have confirmed the attendance of high level government officials. Ukrainian President Viktor Yushenko will be joined by Heads of State from Croatia, Bosnia and Slovenia. "This is a moment of truth for governments to determine what is their official position when it comes to issues of anti-Semitism and xenophobia," says Kantor.

Kantor founded and leads the World Holocaust Forum www.worldholocaustforum.org, which is coordinating the memorial, an organization dedicated to preserving the memory of the Holocaust and educating the world about its important lessons for all humanity. He believes the world today faces a critical danger if it forgets the dangers posed by hatred.

In a rare interview which, ironically, took place five years virtually to the minute after the Twin Towers were brought down during the September 11th 9/11 terror attacks in North America, World Holocaust Forum Chairman Viatcheslav (Moshe) Kantor, warned sharply about the dangers of intolerance.

"Anti-Semitism and xenophobia come in cycles. Some periods have more, some have less," commented Kantor from Geneva. "But the world was absolutely tolerant of the events at Babi Yar, and this single event became a defining moment in the way the Nazi Holocaust progressed from that point onwary. World apathy enabled the Nazis to move forward in their slaughter of six million European Jews."

Kantor points to disturbing expressions of hatred hatred directed toward Jews in many cities around the world. These range from recent acts of violence against Jews in Russia to the call by Iran President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for an Iran conference to deny the Holocaust. Kantor says, "Anti-Semitism on the social level is growing around the globe. Now more than ever, the symbolism and warning of Babi Yar must ring loudly, and we are ensuring that the terrible events of the past are a lesson to modern society about the frightening dangers of intolerance."

Kantor commented that "President Yushchenko has a full understanding of the World Holocaust Forum’s goals and motivations, why we are having this commemoration ceremony in Kiev and what the final result should be.” “Russia once again is facing a moment of truth," commented Kantor, referencing Russia’s decision to send a senior delegation to the events. "President Putin said in his speech at the 60th anniversary commemoration of the liberation of Auschwitz that he was ashamed of the anti-Semitism and xenophobia that had surfaced in Russia. Once a country declares that it should take meaningful lessons away from the Holocaust, its people can start to improve their attitude towards racial intolerance."

According to event organizers, two days of commemorations on Sept. 26th and 27th, will include a series of Holocaust exhibits, lectures and concerts to be highlighted by a somber march of participants from central Kiev to the Babi Yar site, retracing the steps of the thousands of Jews who walked a similar path to their deaths 65 years ago. It will be an emotionally charged walk on Wednesday afternoon from central Kiev to the Babi Yar killing fields.

Focused on developing original educational initiatives to better inform people about the realities of the Holocaust, the World Holocaust Forum has created a European Holocaust Education program that will train teachers to relate to Nazi crimes against the Jews to better foster tolerance between religions and nationalities.

Over the years, criticism has been levelled at several Eastern European governments as well as Russia that these countries are not doing enough to actively combat anti-Semitism. Ukraine was one of the countries mentioned. In July, the menorah-shaped Holocaust memorial at Babi Yar, erected 15 years ago by the Jewish community, was badly vandalized.

"Currently, Babi Yar is a place where kids play soccer. The games needs to stop," observed Kantor.

Source: Israel News Agency

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Wednesday, September 20, 2006

Ukraine Seeks U.N. Resolution

UNITED NATIONS, USA -- Ukraine is campaigning for a U.N. General Assembly resolution that would declare the 1932-33 famine that killed up to 10 million people a genocide, Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk said.


Ukraine has the support of several nations and Tarasyuk will use the two-week annual U.N. General Assembly event now under way to canvass dozens more, he said in an interview with The Associated Press Tuesday. The resolution would accuse Soviet dictator Josef Stalin's regime of deliberately instigating what Ukrainians call the Great Famine.

"We expect that the delegations here at the United Nations will deplore this artificially made famine as an act of genocide against the Ukrainian people," Tarasyuk told The Associated Press. "We would like that the international community pay tribute to those who perished."

Stalin provoked the famine as part of his campaign to force Ukrainian peasants to give up their land and join collective farms. Cannibalism was widespread during the height of the disaster, which was enforced by the confiscation of all food by the Soviet secret police.

Ukraine has long sought international recognition of the famine as a genocide, but has been unable to overcome opposition from Russia and governments that do not want to upset Moscow. The famine was kept secret by the Soviet authorities, and it was only in 2003 that Ukraine declassified more than 1,000 files documenting it.

That same year, Ukraine's U.N. Ambassador Valery Kuchinsky presented a statement signed by 30 countries that condemned the actions of Stalin's regime but stopped short of calling the famine a genocide.

Ukraine will mark the 75th anniversary of the famine in 2008, and Tarasyuk said that would be an appropriate time for a General Assembly resolution calling it a genocide.

Earlier this year, Ukraine failed in its bid for the Commonwealth of Independent States, made up of 12 former Soviet republics, to consider recognizing the famine as a genocide.

Source: AP

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At Least Nine Killed, One Wounded In Eastern Ukraine Coal Mine Blast

KIEV, Ukraine -- At least nine miners were killed and one wounded when a blast rocked a coal mine in eastern Ukraine early Wednesday. Rescuers evacuated 172 miners, a spokesman for the Ukrainian emergencies ministry said.


"As of 9:00 AM Kiev time [6:00 GMT] 172 miners have been evacuated from the mine," the spokesman said. "We found 10 miners, nine of them dead and one wounded. The fate of 39 miners remains unknown."

Earlier in the day, the spokesman said 43 miners were missing.

Ukrainian television Channel Five reported different figures, saying 11 miners were killed, 10 wounded and hospitalized and 28 missing after the tragedy at the Zasyadko coal mine in Donetsk.

The spokesman for the ministry said earlier the blast was caused by the sudden ejection of a coal and gas mixture, and added the missing miners were working 1,078 meters [3,537 feet] below ground at the moment of the tragedy.

The spokesman said work at the mine was stopped, as 56 rescue teams work at the scene.

This incident follows another coal mine blast in eastern Ukraine when at least six miners lost their lives in August.

Source: RIA Novosti

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Ukraine: Dismissal Of The Presidential Secretariat Head Oleh Rybachuk

KIEV, Ukraine -- First of all, I would not seek reasons for the dismissal of Head of the Presidential Secretariat Oleh Rybachuk in Viktor Yushchenko’s desire to strengthen the control over his team.

Oleh Rybachuk

President Viktor Yushchenko pursues other objectives through making this decision. The key objective is to strengthen the President’s political positions that have been narrowed due to the constitutional reform.

The dismissal of Oleh Rybachuk took place when Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych’s team was stepping up their activity and Yanukovych tried to extend his influence over the spheres that used to be the President’s prerogative.

So, Rybachuk’s dismissal can be regarded as the Ukrainian President’s counterattack on the Prime Minister.

Apart from that, the change of the Secretariat Head was caused by considerable reduction of the agency’s influence. The present Secretariat is utterly different from the Leonid Kuchma’s Administration.

Kuchma’s Administration controlled certain spheres quite successfully, while the present Secretariat lost all those functions.

It is of importance for President Yushchenko to enlarge the Secretariat’s sphere of responsibility. It doesn’t mean the return to Kuchma’s model of Presidential Administration, though. Given the current situation it is impossible, and one should not even try to do that.

President Yushchenko wants to restore the presidential status. After the parliamentary elections of March 2006 the coordination of actions of all the government branches and bodies was overset. The Verkhovna Rada could not get assembled for a long time, the regional councils made decisions neglecting central authorities, and the law enforcement agencies were engaged only in their own business.

In a word, one had an impression that the President had lost his control over the situation in the country.

That’s why the Secretariat makes a point of using the remaining presidential powers in the most effective way and making them more substantive. I believe that the first initiative will be the strengthening of the executive chain of command at the regional level through restoring the control over the human resources management in the regional Administrations.

This is one of the reason why former Minister of Emergencies and Affairs of Population Protection from the Consequences of Chornobyl Catastrophe of Ukraine Viktor Baloha, who has vast managerial experience and is considered to be an efficient manager, has been appointed the Head of the Presidential Secretariat.

This appointment may be followed by other important reshuffles. One can expect that new officials will come to the Secretariat and new Deputies of the Secretary of the Council of National Security and Defense will be appointed in the near future.

Source: Eurasian Home

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Ukrainian Parliament Supports Pro-Kremlin PM’s Anti-NATO Attitude

KIEV, Ukraine -- The Ukrainian parliament has thrown its weight behind the prime minister’s vision of the country’s relations with NATO Viktor Yanukovich explained during his recent visit to Brussels, ITAR-TASS news agency reported.


A total of 242 legislators voted in support of the prime minister’s statement “all specific actions regarding Ukraine’s future application for NATO membership must be decided on with reliance on the will of the Ukrainian people” and the results of a corresponding referendum.

The Ukrainian parliament instructed the government to “consistently and actively conduct a policy of ensuring the supremacy of law, enhancing democracy, political pluralism and market economy and promoting the dissemination of impartial information about the role of NATO in the modern world and guidelines for its reform.”

The parliamentary foreign affairs and national security committees were instructed to draft and submit to parliament for consideration a bill setting special rules Ukraine is to follow in seeking admission to military and political alliances.

At the session of the Ukraine-NATO commission in Brussels on September 14 Yanukovich declared Ukraine was unprepared to comply with the NATO admission action plan.

He suggested separating the question of Ukraine’s membership of NATO from that of cooperation with the alliance.

Source: MOS News

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Yushchenko's Allies Say Government Insulting Ukrainians With Plan To Scale Back Family Aid

KIEV, Ukraine President Viktor Yushchenko's allies accused the government on Tuesday of insulting Ukrainians with its call to scale back a popular program aimed at promoting population growth.


Vyacheslav Kyrylenko

"It shows the disrespectful attitude of the new government toward our citizens. It is a crime against our future," said Vyacheslav Kyrylenko, a lawmaker and Yushchenko ally.

On Monday, the government announced that in a proposal to be included in the 2007 draft budget, only women from poor families would receive the payments that all women are currently entitled to after the birth of each child.

Yushchenko introduced the aid last year in an attempt to fight the plunging birthrate.

The government proposal was seen as the latest volley in the power struggle between the president and his former political antagonist turned prime minister, Viktor Yanukovych.

According to the government proposal, only women in families with an income of less than 5,000 hryvna (US$990; €780) over the previous six months would receive the 8,500 hryvna (US$1,500; €1,250) childbirth payments.

In drafting the 2007 budget, the government is trying to trim expenses as much as possible.

Explaining the government's position, Deputy Finance Minister Serhiy Rybak said Monday that the current program was too expensive and wasteful.

He said the state needed to do more to ensure that the money finds its way to only to poorer families that need the payments most.

Kyrylenko said that the aid, which was increased by 11 times last April, was given to more than half a million new mothers.

He pledged that his party would do everything possible to keep the program unchanged.

Yushchenko's office also expressed concern over the government move.

"Reconsidering key elements of social policy defined by the president is unjustified. The move looks strange at the least since this aid guaranteed a constant growth in the birth rate," said Yushchenko's humanitarian adviser, Markiyan Lubkivsky.

Lubkivsky said that 258,500 children had been born in the first six months of this year — 6 percent more than during the same period last year.

Expressing his support for the scaled back aid plan, Yanukovych ally Oleksandr Peklushenko said the current program was wrong because it resulted in state subsidies going to rich parents.

"I am the father of a 2-month-old child and I have a very high salary. This money will be given to those who really need it, not to me," he said.

Ukraine's population has dropped to 47 million from 53 million since gaining independence in 1991.

Even before then, it had declined: the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear accident generated widespread fears among women about having babies.

The economic chaos and deterioration of the public health system that followed the breakup of the Soviet Union also discouraged births, and many people have emigrated to seek a better life abroad.

Ukraine has a birth rate of 1.2 per woman, compared with the European average of 1.4.

Source: AP

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Tuesday, September 19, 2006

Ukraine: Who Poisoned Yushchenko? The Search Continues

KIEV, Ukraine -- The case surrounding the apparent poisoning two years ago of Viktor Yushchenko remains shrouded in mystery -- so much so that even Yushchenko himself routinely uses cryptic language to describe it.


Speaking to journalists in Baku on September 8, the Ukrainian president stated the investigation into the alleged poisoning in September 2004 was "one step away from the active phase of solving this case."

Yushchenko's statement came as Ukraine's prosecutor-general, Oleksandr Medvedko, announced investigators had determined the time, place, and circumstances in which the poisoning attempt took place.

All that remains, apparently, is to find the individual, or individuals, responsible.

Dioxin Poisoning

Austrian doctors responsible for examining Yushchenko several months after the poison was reportedly administered said the Ukrainian politician had ingested a concentrated dose of dioxin.

The powerful toxin caused bloating and pockmarks on Yushchenko's face, giving his skin a greenish hue and adding a macabre note to a tumultuous political season culminating in the mass Orange Revolution protests in December 2004.

Prosecutor-General Medvedko, confirming earlier allegations, said tests on the dioxins found in Yushchenko's blood showed they were highly purified and manufactured in either Russia, the United States, or Great Britain.

He declined to divulge other details. If investigators have in fact traced the time and place of the poisoning, it would mark a significant development in a seemingly stagnant case.

Intrigues And Disinformation

The mystery began on September 6, 2004.

Yushchenko, the pro-Western presidential candidate facing off against the Kremlin's preferred nominee, Viktor Yanukovych, became violently ill, suffering severe abdominal pain and facial lesions.

When he was rushed four days later to Vienna's Rudolfinerhaus clinic, his liver, pancreas, and intestines were swollen, and he was barely able to walk.

Doctors were initially baffled. But Yushchenko's supporters already had a theory: that the candidate had been poisoned during a dinner September 5 with Ihor Smeshko, the head of Ukraine's Security Service, at the summer home of Smeshko's deputy, Volodymyr Satsiuk.

Later that month, many were surprised to read a Rudolfinerhaus press release stating doctors did not believe Yushchenko had been poisoned.

But several days later, officials at the Vienna clinic publicly objected, insisting the press release was a forgery -- an episode that conjured up images of a Soviet-style disinformation campaign.

An Easy Target?

By December, doctors had confirmed that dioxin was behind Yushchenko's ailment, and that he had received the substance from a perpetrator who allegedly intended him harm.

Yushchenko's supporters immediately pointed to Yanukovych as the likely suspect, and accused Moscow of providing the dioxin.

The Yanukovych camp vigorously denied the charges. Some questioned whether there was in fact any real evidence to suggest Yushchenko had been poisoned.

At the peak of the Orange Revolution protests in December, Yushchenko announced he would soon have proof his opponents had attempted to assassinate him. The proof, however, never materialized.

No Conclusions

Since then, an investigation by the Ukrainian Security Service and Prosecutor-General's Office has been under way. But no findings have been announced.

In the interim, many Ukrainian and Western observers have begun to express doubt the case would ever be solved.

Some questioned why it was taking so long to discover the truth -- especially when Yushchenko himself was offering frequent assurances a solution was around the corner. Was the investigation being blocked? Or have investigators simply been unable to build a solid case?

A member of the investigative team told RFE/RL that in such a high-profile matter as the Yushchenko poisoning, it is prudent to wait until the evidence is so watertight that there is no way the case can be thrown out of court.

But many of Yushchenko's supporters believe that with Yanukovych now in the prime minister's post it is unlikely the case will be solved soon -- if ever.

Source: Radio Free Europe

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Monday, September 18, 2006

Regional Toyota Director, Three Others Dead In Ukraine Plane Crash

KIEV, Ukraine -- A regional head for the Toyota corporation and three others died in a Ukrainian plane crash, the Interfax news agency reported on Monday.

L-200 Morava aircraft

Serhy Mironishchenko had managed Toyota's branch office in the eastern industrial region Dnipropetrovsk, one of Ukraine's largest automobile markets.

Investigators were blaming failure of the left engine in a L-200 Morava aircraft for Sunday's crash.

The twin engine aircraft struck ground in a field some 20 kilometres from a private Dnipropetrovsk airport.

Other victims included Mironishchenko's wife and two passengers.

Mironishchenko had been a licensed private pilot.

Police were investigating the cause of the accident.

The plane had received regular maintenance checks, most recently in May, according to the report.

The L-200 is a Czech-built four-seater popular with amateur pilots in the former Soviet Union.

It has a reputation for ease of operation and reliability.

Source: Deutsche Presse-Agentur

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Women’s Groups Gather In Kyiv To Decry Gender Discrimination

KYIV, Ukraine -- Kyiv became the venue last week for a six-day international women’s rights conference, which drew attention to gender discrimination in the workplace, abuse at home and other problems that continue to plague Ukrainian women, though keynote speakers also praised recent legislative efforts to eliminate some of these problems.

Dr. Anamah Tan (C), head of the International Council of Women

The International Council of Women, which calls itself the world’s largest and oldest women’s rights organization, met for the first time in Ukraine’s capital for its 31st session between Sept. 5 and 11 to focus on the global issues of poverty, women’s and children’s healthcare, education, gender discrimination, labor migration and family violence.

The organization boasts gains for women with respect to voting rights, elections to public office and holding managerial positions in companies around the world since it was founded in 1888.

Ukrainian women’s rights and equality issues in the workplace and society became the special focus of the Assembly, which convenes its sessions once every three years.

Attending the session were representatives from women’s rights organizations from around 40 countries, including 200 women’s rights activists from Ukraine, largely represented by the National Council of Women, which unites 22 of the largest women’s organizations in the country.

The National Council of Women was founded in 1999 and joined the International Council of Women the following year.

The head of the International Council of Women, Singaporean-born Anamah Tan, told the Post Sept. 6 that today the main task for women’s rights advocates is to strengthen the position of women in politics, in addition to continuing efforts to prevent all forms of violence and discrimination against women around the world.

With her 35 years of experience in promoting women’s issues, Tan said she was pleased with Ukraine’s work in the area of women’s rights, citing recently implemented legislation.

“Ukraine is an old member of the Council, and we are proud to see positive tendencies, firstly with respect to the adoption of a law on equal rights [and opportunities] in 2005,” Tan said.

The equal rights and opportunities law, which in part provides for the elimination of all occupational discrimination against women in Ukraine, was adopted by Ukraine’s parliament last September, and went into force at the start of this year.

“Your women have a strong will and are famous for it worldwide, but to maintain the ability to defend their own rights, they need to increase their legal awareness,” she said.

Ukraine’s Family, Youth and Sports Minister Yuriy Pavlenko told the women’s rights session in a speech on Sept. 6 that while Ukrainian legislation provides for the elimination of discrimination against women, problems continue.

Pavlenko cited inequality between the genders in political and bureaucratic decision-making processes in the country due to women’s poor representation on the state and regional levels of power.

“After parliamentary elections in March 2006, only 39 women became parliament members out of 450 available seats, which is only 8.7 percent,” Pavlenko said.

According to him, this percentage was low compared with an average figure of 14.3 percent for women lawmakers around the world, with women in countries like Norway, Denmark and Finland, and as much as 47 percent in Sweden, comprising up to 30 percent of their legislatures.

According to Pavlenko, this shows that Ukrainian women tend to have fewer options to develop their careers working in government offices, except at the lowest levels.

“Of the total number of government officials, women constitute 75.1 percent; meanwhile, only 7.8 percent of them hold high-ranking positions,” Pavlenko said, adding that 68.4 percent of all women employed by the government occupy its lowest positions.

As a result, Pavlenko said, women make an average salary that is 38.7 percent lower than men among government employees in Ukraine.

He said that while the difficulty of a job determines the salary for it, in Ukraine, what is considered difficult is often viewed in terms of gender, leading to employment discrimination against women and thus their lower salaries.

According to Pavlenko, employers often refuse to take women for jobs that they consider dangerous, even if those jobs are not proscribed for women by Ukraine’s Labor Code.

He said another reason why women face discrimination in their pay levels is because salaries are lower in occupations traditionally considered female, such as jobs in light industry, medicine and customer services.

Pavlenko added that while Ukraine’s women are well educated and around 80 percent of them hold a higher academic degree, they are often not treated as professionals.

“It is very common among employers to give preference according to [a woman’s] looks, family status or the age of her children, if any, but not to [her] professional skills,” he said.

“There is also the big problem of sexual harassment at work, which today is frequent, but hidden.”

He said that the Ukrainian government has not developed further legislation on combating sex discrimination, since it has not thoroughly studied all of its aspects yet.

Oleksandra Rudnyeva, the president of the Kharkiv Women’s Research Center, a non-governmental think tank that has been working on gender policy problems for the last 12 years, said there are two areas where women’s rights have been the most widely violated – the family and labor.

According to Rudnyeva, one of the biggest problems Ukrainian women face today is violence in their families, and being unable to prevent it from occurring and repeating.

“It [aggression] may appear in different forms – not only in its physical form, but in economic or psychological forms, too,” Rudnyeva said.

“This problem is very much hidden from the public and women prefer to bear it,” Rudnyeva said, adding that keeping their families together or the fear of starting divorce proceedings are among the reasons why women refrain from making their problems known.

“In most cases women keep the children after a divorce. Later, they don’t get alimony payments from their husbands and are forced to use the courts as a last resort,” she said, adding that the courts don’t always improve a woman’s situation for the better.

“Normally, a court sets alimony payments at the lowest level allowed by law, which is 30 percent of the official minimum living wage for one child, which is never enough,” she said.

The current average minimum living wage in the country, set in April 2006, is Hr 496 (less than $100) a month.

Rudnyeva said that for children younger than six, the minimum living wage is Hr 410 (around $80) a month, while for children aged six to 18, it is Hr 527 (around $105).

According to Rudnyeva, another problem with calculating alimony payments is that men typically provide a court with their official salary figures, which most times is lower – sometimes substantially – from their real earnings.

According to Ukraine’s labor and pension legislation, Rudnyeva said, women have the right to retire at the age of 55, meaning they are not obligated to do so when they reach that age, while the retirement age set for men is 60. However, she said that employers often use women’s voluntary retirement age as a reason to push them out of their jobs.

“It is especially common in the state service sector, when 55-year-old women are forced to retire, with the reason given that her space is needed for other workers, or any other reason,” she said.

While Rudnyeva considers the passage of the law on equal rights and opportunities last year a positive step for equal rights in the country, she said its effectiveness would depend on its “proper implementation, which is vital.”

“Maybe the best thing that this law managed to accomplish so far is that we were able to observe a stir-up of women taking part in parliamentary elections [in March 2006],” Rudnyeva said, referring to public debate provoked by the law that led to more political parties including women among their top five candidates for seats in parliament.

Source: Kyiv Post

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Sunday, September 17, 2006

Communists: No Presidency In Ukraine

KIEV, Ukraine -- The Ukrainian Communist Party will propose in Parliament abolishing the post of president for being ineffective, the party´s press service said Sunday.


Its leader, Petro Symonenko, noted they will propose eliminating the post of president as it does not correspond to the nation´s centuries-long democratic traditions and has hampered state development.

Symonenko added the presidential form of government has proved to be fully ineffective and even harmful in the recent period of the nation´s modern history, stressing that a parliamentary republic was the most appropriate option for Ukraine.

While praising contributions of the political reform undertaken in the post-Soviet Ukraine, he highlighted it gave the most voted parliamentarian faction the right to form governments, define policies and control government activities.

Communists have 21 slots in the 450-seat Congress and compose the anti-crisis coalition formed in June by governing and majority Party of Regions and the Socialist Party.

Source: Prensa Latina

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Cop Murder Puts New Cabinet At Odds

KIEV, Ukraine -- It’s been just over a month since the government began being restocked by members of the so-called Donetsk clan, but the recent slaying of a senior policeman who had been investigating financial crimes in the eastern industrial region has again raised the specter of criminals in the halls of power.

Police officer Roman Yerokhin was found murdered Aug. 20 in what the interior minister says may have been a hit ordered by an MP.

Moreover, the gruesome killing, reminiscent of the politically charged journalist murders that characterized the administration of former President Leonid Kuchma, looks set to further divide the fragile new Cabinet.

The handcuffed body of Roman Yerokhin, a senior officer of the Directorate for Fighting Organized Crime (UBOZ) who had disappeared on July 27, was found on Aug. 20 outside Kyiv. He had been shot eight times in what has been widely described as a contract hit connected to Yerokhin’s work against money laundering in Donetsk Region.

Following statements made by Ukrainian Prosecutor-General Oleksandr Medvedko, a one-time Donetsk Region prosecutor, an investigation into the murder launched by Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko could be sidetracked or halted, while partisan parliamentary infighting is likely to prevent businessmen with legislative mandates from facing prosecution.

Unnamed MP accused

Speaking at a press conference on Aug. 11, Lutsenko, whose post brings law-enforcement in Ukraine under his control, said that Yerokhin had been investigating a large money conversion operation linked to a Donetsk financial establishment before being kidnapped and killed. Lutsenko said Yerokhin had been a former deputy head of the Donetsk UBOZ, but was transferred to the main directorate in Kyiv in February 2006 for his own safety after receiving threats related to his police work.

Following the discovery of Yerokhin’s body, Lutsenko said Aug. 23 that all the key figures in the murder had been arrested – including Vadym Klikovskiy, a former UBOZ employee who had gone into hiding in Ternopil Region.

In an interview with Ukraine’s Dzerkalo Tyzhnya weekly published Sept. 2, Lutsenko said that an MP with ties to a Donetsk-based financial establishment, which he did not name, had ordered the killing. He said that “if we can find out who ordered the hit, then this may have seismic consequences, and could be a very serious blow to the methods of forming party lists, to which politicians, both in the opposition and in power, resort to.”

Prosecutor’s denial

However, Prosecutor General Oleksandr Medvedko, whose office is now handling the investigation, played down any connection that the murder might have to MPs, telling a press conference Sept. 8 that much about Yerokhin’s murder has been exaggerated, particularly by the media.

“In the criminal case file, there is not even the smallest piece of information that people’s deputies were involved,” Medvedko said.

Lutsenko’s response to Medvedko’s comments was immediate, warning at his own press conference the same day that the investigation had reached an impasse and was in danger of falling apart.

“All this time, the prosecutor’s office, having taken the case away from us, has from the very start passed it from regional prosecutors to the city, then to the PGO’s office, but it has not undertaken any investigations.”

Lutsenko said that PGO investigators have not even bothered to question the prime suspect in the murder, Klikovskiy, who is currently in custody. Lutsenko said that, instead, the PGO has called in Lutsenko’s own investigators for questioning.

“I think that all this points to attempts to drag out this case, and possibly, to conceal the truth. The investigation into this matter is obviously under threat,” he said.

Lutsenko is among a handful of ministers appointed under Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko in 2005 following the Orange Revolution, who have retained their posts under the new government recently formed by Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, leader of the Donetsk-based Regions Party, which heads a pro-Russian majority coalition in parliament.

Prior to his reappointment as interior minister under the new government, Lutsenko, a Socialist Party member, had said that he would resign from the post if Yanukovych, the Orange Revolution’s arch enemy during his fraud-filled grab for the presidency in 2004, became prime minister.

Lutsenko left the Socialist Party after its leader, Oleksandr Moroz, abandoned the pro-presidential Orange Coalition in parliament in early July and used his party to form the new majority coalition with the Regions, acquiring the parliamentary speaker’s seat for himself as part of the deal.

When Yanukovych was confirmed premier on Aug. 4, Lutsenko was in hospital with hypertension, but accepted the post of interior minister under Yanukovych just days later.

In addition to raising the question of how effectively Lutsenko and his ministry can work under the current Donetsk-dominated government, Yerokhin’s murder also raises the issue of stripping lawmakers’ immunity and sanctioning their arrest for committing crimes.

To date, Pavlo Lazarenko, who served as premier in 1996-1997, is the only senior Ukrainian official to have been tried and sentenced, albeit abroad. He is also the only MP to have been stripped of immunity.

“I think enough proof has been gathered to confirm our main theory [of Yerokhin’s murder], but the grounds are not sufficient to charge a citizen who holds a high position,” Lutsenko told Dzerkalo Tyzhnya.

He said that in addition to Yerokhin, Donetsk tax police chief Mikhail Serbin, who was fired from his post in the spate of recent sackings carried out on the basis of political affiliation, had also been investigating financial institutions in Donetsk.

“According to the information which he [Serbin] presented, financial abuses resulted in losses that ran into many millions,” Lutsenko said.

Opinions divided

Taras Chornovil, an MP of the ruling Regions party, told the Post Sept. 6 that Lutsenko’s statements should not be taken seriously.

“I’ve stopped commenting on Lutsenko’s statements a long time ago. He constantly makes unfounded statements,” he said.

“When making those [statements] he did not refer to any document or factual events. It was something more personal,” he added.

Regarding the similarity of this case to the high profile murder of journalist Georgiy Gongadze in 2000, or the investigation into the 1999 death of his dissident father, Vyacheslav Chornovil, Chornovil said “Lutsenko’s statement on the investigation into my father’s death seemed much more reasonable than the ones he made on the Yerokhin case to me. At that time, he supported it with evidence - documents and facts,” Chornovil said.

Parliamentary deputy Andriy Shevchenko of the opposition Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc is also hesitant to acknowledge that one of his colleagues in parliament has any involvement in the murder: “the theories that come up are very different.”

However, Shevchenko said that he would support a move to strip a criminal parliamentary deputy of immunity regardless of party affiliation.

“For me, the party that a criminal belongs to does not matter. I will vote in favor of his immunity being taken away in order for justice to be served,” he said.

Shevchenko also said he would support the creation of a parliamentary ad-hoc commission to investigate the Yerokhin murder, adding, however, that he doesn’t “see this killing as being at all similar to the Gongadze case.”

However, Boris Penchuk, the chief of the Anticorruption Fund and a Donetsk businessman, sees a political angle to the Yerokhin case.

Penchuk, who fought Boris Kolesnikov, an ally of Regions money bags Rinat Akhmetov, over ownership of a shopping center in Donetsk, said that everything surrounding the Yerokhin case is an attempt to discredit Lutsenko. The aim, said Penchuk, is to pay back Lutsenko for putting Kolesnikov, then the head of the Donetsk regional council, into jail for four months in 2005 for alleged wrongdoing involving ownership of the shopping center.

Penchuk told the Post Sept. 12 that “Yerokhin’s death was convenient for the people who were repressed some six to 18 months ago [during the two Orange Cabinets]. It served to discredit Lutsenko and lead him out of the game.”

Penchuk added that “Yerokhin was possibly kidnapped in order to get information that would discredit Lutsenko. It’s probable that he was a Trojan horse in Lutsenko’s entourage. There is a real war going on between the [Cabinet] representatives of Akhmetov and President [Viktor] Yushchenko. Somebody simply wants to crush Lutsenko.”

Source: Kyiv Post

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Saturday, September 16, 2006

Ukraine President Denies Premier's Statements On NATO Accession

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych's idea that the country is unable to join the NATO action plan is wrong and out of line with Ukraine's national interests, President Viktor Yushchenko said Saturday.


Yanukovych Thursday took part in a session of the Ukraine-NATO commission in Brussels, where he said Ukraine was yet not ready to implement the Action Plan on accession to the North Atlantic alliance.

Western-leaning President Viktor Yushchenko has made NATO membership a priority since coming to power in 2004, but has met with strong opposition on the issue from pro-Russian political forces in the country.

The policy regarding NATO membership was fixed in the national unity pact. The document, which Yushchenko proposed for signing by the country's major political forces, was to serve as a guarantee of adherence to his political course before Yanukovych, the leader of the pro-Russian Party of Regions, was appointed prime minister to end four months of political crisis in the country.

"I am convinced that argumentation which is in essence of domestic nature, non-initiation of this issue as required by the Action Plan [on NATO membership] is an erroneous viewpoint, which does not meet national interests, and this should be rectified," the presidential press service quoted Yushchenko as saying.

The pro-presidential Our Ukraine bloc Friday accused the Ukrainian prime minister of breaching agreements set out by the national unity pact on Ukraine's NATO membership drive.

Yushchenko said Ukraine had a law on national security, which envisions integration policy up to full membership in NATO and the European Union.

Ukraine's quest for NATO membership has displeased Russia, which is anxious about the approach of NATO bases closer to its borders.

Source: RIA Novosti

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Ukraine PM Rebuked For Nato Stand

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko has criticised new Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych for suggesting Kiev was not ready to join Nato.

Left to right: Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych with NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer.

The president said Mr Yanukovych's belief that public opinion opposed the move was "wrong, does not meet national interests and must be corrected".

His prime minister called for "a pause" on Thursday after talks with top Nato and EU officials in Brussels.

Mr Yushchenko has pushed for membership of Nato following his election in 2005.

Mr Yanukovych was named PM in August by his arch-rival Mr Yushchenko, on condition that he followed his pro-Western agenda.

The move capped a dramatic comeback for Mr Yanukovych, who was ousted in Mr Yushchenko's "Orange Revolution" in 2004.

'Pause'

Mr Yushchenko told reporters his government had to abide by his stance of integration with Western institutions as the "foundation, the credo for foreign policy".

The comments came a day after Mr Yanukovych said full Nato membership had only limited support among Ukrainians, on his first visit to Brussels as prime minister.

He said Kiev was taking a pause "because of the political situation in Ukraine".

"But the time will come when a decision will be made... For the time being we are looking at enlargement of our co-operation with Nato," he said.

Opposition to Nato membership is particularly strong in eastern and southern Ukraine - the electoral strongholds of Mr Yanukovych's party.

Russia has also voiced strong opposition to Ukraine joining Nato.

Kiev had earlier expressed hopes of joining the world's biggest defence alliance in 2008.

EU hopes

At the same time, Mr Yanukovych said Ukraine would continue reforms aimed at bringing the country closer to the EU.

EU External Relations Commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner said the 25-member bloc had no plans to offer Kiev membership "at this moment".

Instead, she suggested the two sides negotiate what was described as an enhanced agreement that would include a free trade pact.

Mr Yanukovych - who favours closer ties with Russia - was initially declared the victor in the 2004 presidential polls, but the result was then annulled by the Supreme Court, which ruled that the vote was fraudulent.

Mr Yushchenko was elected president in the re-run of the second round ordered by the court.

In March, Mr Yanukovych's Party of Regions polled the most votes in parliamentary elections, but failed to secure a majority.

Source: BBC News

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Friday, September 15, 2006

Ukraine Defence Minister Criticises Premier Yanukovich On NATO

KIEV, Ukraine -- The first obvious cracks in Ukraine's unwieldy four- party ruling coalition were visible on Friday after the country's defence minister publicly attacked his boss over policy towards NATO.

Anatoly Hritsenko

Anatoly Hritsenko described as 'mistaken' comments made in Brussels on Thursday by Ukraine Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich, who had told officials Ukraine 'was not prepared to move forward towards NATO accession at the present.'

Yanukovich's remarks touched off a firestorm of domestic criticism. Hritsenko was the first member of the Yanukovich government to attack the Prime Minister's comments.

Ukraine is prepared to move forward 'both in legal and practical terms,' Hritsenko said. 'His (Yanokovich's) statements are unfounded.'

Yanukovich's government was stitched together in late August after months of failed coalition talks. Yanukovich leads the wing of the coalition opposing early Ukrainian membership in NATO, and is a supporter of closer Ukrainian relations with Russia.

A defence minister during the previous government, Hritsenko has supported a systematic movement of Ukraine closer to NATO as a step towards membership in the European Union - an organization almost all Ukrainians want their country to join.

Ukraine's military has cooperated with NATO in joint training exercises and in Balkan peacekeeping since the mid-1990s.

Hritsenko called the Yanukovich government's failure to endorse a formal start to Ukrainian effort to actually join the organization 'truly unfortunate.'

Most of the first steps rejected by Yanukovich were measures aimed at moving Ukraine's military closer to NATO standards, he said.

Hritsenko declared his intention to go effectively over Yanukovich's head and to apply directly to Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko, in an attempt to get the NATO accession project restarted.

'You'll not live long enough to see that,' Hritsenko responded, when asked if he intended to resign his portfolio over the issue.

Hritsenko's allies on Thursday accused Yanukovich of reneging on the terms of the government coalition agreement, which endorses continued Ukrainian efforts to tighten relations with NATO, but no accession attempt before a national referendum on the matter.

Source: Deutsche Presse-Agentur

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Ukraine Will Be Ready For Euro 2012, Says President

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukraine will be ready to stage the 2012 European championship if selected to co-host the event with neighbouring Poland, the country's president was quoted as saying on Thursday.


President Viktor Yushchenko, who sees the joint bid as a step in helping ex-Soviet Ukraine move into the European mainstream, made the comment in talks with a visiting UEFA delegation.

"Ukraine is working towards improving its transport, sports and tourism infrastructure to create the best conditions to hold the 2012 European championship," Yushchenko's press service quoted him as saying.

The bid is up against Italy and a similar joint proposal from Croatia and Hungary.

Both Poland and Ukraine hope their combined population of 80 million and the proposal to hold the first such final in eastern Europe in the post-communist era will work in their favour.

Officials in both Warsaw and Kiev this week downplayed any suggestion the bid might be hit by an inquiry announced by the Polish government this week into the country's football association with accusations of mass match-fixing.

The bid has also been dogged by a row over a construction site by Kiev's main stadium which has prompted warnings from FIFA that it could withdraw permission to hold major matches there because of violation of safety norms.

Yushchenko in June asked Kiev city authorities to take steps to ensure the construction plans met FIFA concerns.

UEFA will announce the winning bid for 2012 in December.

Source: Reuters

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Thursday, September 14, 2006

Yushchenko Asks Parliament To Support Tough New Anti-Corruption Measures

KIEV, Ukraine -- President Viktor Yushchenko asked parliament on Tuesday to back tough new anti-corruption measures, saying they would cut down on bribe-taking and nepotism by bureaucrats.


Lawmakers pledged to support the measures, though some questioned whether they would prove effective. It was unclear when the parliament might vote on the measures, contained in a six-bill package titled "Conception to eradicate corruption and (put) Ukraine on the path toward honesty."

The measures would require state officials to end involvement in private business after taking office, and prohibit them from accepting gifts or finding state jobs for their friends and relatives. It also would require them to declare their incomes and expenses.

Yushchenko proposed that Ukraine also join international protocols to combat corruption.

"If the parliament will vote for these bills without changes, it can be a start in the struggle with corruption among high officials," said Vyacheslav Kyrylenko, a member of Yushchenko's Our Ukraine party.

Opposition lawmaker Mykola Tomenko was more critical, but said he would support the measures, nevertheless.

"It is impossible to eradicate corruption in Ukraine by adopting laws," Tomenko said. "First we should enforce existing laws."

Ukraine already has a law requiring high officials to publicly declare their incomes, but critics have complained that much appears to be left off the declarations.

For example, Yushchenko put his total income for 2005 at about 30,000 hyrvna (US$5,900; 4,600 euros), far lower than what Ukrainians believe he had access to.

Ukraine's new Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych said he had an annual income of about 40,000 hryvna (US$7,900; 6,200 euros).

There have been no high profile successful corruption cases since Yushchenko took office in 2004, though he has pledged to make the fight against corruption a top goal for his government and hold former officials accountable for any proven misdeeds.

Watchdog group Transparency International's ranking of corrupt nations has listed Ukraine as one of the worst for several years.

Source: AP

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Ukraine 'Shelves Bid To Join NATO'

BRUSSELS, Belgium -- Ukraine has told NATO it is shelving its aspirations to join the Western defence alliance because of widespread public opposition and to preserve the former Soviet republic's relations with Russia.

Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich

"We have explained that because of the political situation in Ukraine, we will have to take a pause, But the time will come when a decision will be made," new Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich told a joint news conference Thursday after talks with NATO Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer and NATO ambassadors.

"We have to convince society," he added.

Russia fiercely opposed the previous pro-Western Ukrainian government's intention to join NATO's Membership Action Plan, a path towards eventual entry into the U.S.-led military pact.

Yanukovich, regarded as closer to Moscow than reformist President Viktor Yushchenko, who came to power in an Orange Revolution after defeating Yanukovich in a flawed 2004 election, said he did not want to complicate Ukraine-Russia relations.

"We (Ukraine) should be a reliable bridge between the European Union and Russia," he said.

After meeting European External Relations Commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner earlier, Yanukovich said: "For the time being we are looking at enlargement of our cooperation with NATO.

"Integration with NATO is a question which finds a favourable response of only a small part of the Ukrainian population." One poll last week showed 60 percent of Ukrainians opposed to NATO membership.

Friction

NATO leaders had been due to discuss the issue at a summit in Riga in November. Yanukovich's statement appeared to remove a potential source of friction between the United States and east European neighbours such as Poland, which back Ukrainian membership, and others led by France that are sceptical.

Yanukovich, appointed in August after months of political deadlock, said Ukraine aimed to cooperate with both Russia and the European Union.

"We are going to have policies of reuniting interests," he said.

Yushchenko had a long-stated desire to seek NATO membership despite Russian objections.

On Wednesday, Ukraine won the promise of negotiations early next year on broader ties with the European Union that could include a free trade deal.

Yanukovich stated Ukraine's long-term goal of accession to the EU but Ferrero-Waldner reiterated the EU's position that this was not a prospect for the moment.

She said signing a free trade deal with Ukraine was dependent on Kiev's accession to the World Trade Organisation.

Yanukovich said Ukraine aimed to pass all the laws this year needed to join the WTO and the government was working on reforms to deal with corruption and boost economic growth.

Energy cooperation will be part of the talks with the EU which was alarmed in January when Moscow cut supplies of gas to Ukraine in a dispute over pricing, temporarily reducing supplies to Western Europe.

The EU and Ukraine signed a deal on Thursday paving the way for European financing of oil and gas meters on pipelines across Ukraine's borders.

Ferrero-Waldner said the project was aimed at increasing the transparency, reliability and safety of supplies.

Source: Reuters

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Crimea Lighthouse Row Escalates

SEVASTOPOL, Crimea -- A Ukrainian court has ruled that the country should take control of 22 lighthouses in Crimea operated by the Russian military.


Ukraine says a 1997 deal with Russia on division of the Black Sea Fleet gives it ownership of the lighthouses.

Moscow says they have been leased to the Russian navy until 2017.

Arguments about the Soviet-era Black Sea Fleet have soured Russian-Ukrainian relations since the collapse of the USSR in 1991.

The Sevastopol appeals court decided on Tuesday to transfer responsibility for the 22 lighthouses from the Russian defence ministry to the Ukrainian transport ministry.

Kiev says the Russian navy illegally controls the sites. In 1998, the Ukrainian government decided that they should come under the control of its transport ministry.

Moscow says the lighthouses were leased to its navy under the 1997 agreement and that they are crucial for the safety of the Black Sea Fleet.

Kiev says all maritime installations and navigational equipment on the Crimean coast are the property of Ukraine.

The Ukrainian foreign ministry has previously accused the Black Sea Fleet of violating the terms of their long-standing agreement by refusing to hand over navigational facilities.

Source: BBC News

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Wednesday, September 13, 2006

Ukraine's New Premier Heads To Brussels For Talks With EU, NATO

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych heads to Brussels on Wednesday for talks with European Union and NATO officials, a trip under close scrutiny to determine how much the West should expect from a man who was openly backed by the Kremlin.

Viktor Yanukovych (L) and NATO Secretary General, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer (R) in May 2004

What Brussels is likely to find during Yanukovych's visit on Thursday is an increasingly self-confident politician who appears determined not to be taken for granted — either by the West or by Russia.

"The new Ukrainian government sees its task to stop playing the role of beggar, which it has played in negotiations with the EU up until now, and become a strong, self-confident and therefore interesting partner for Brussels," Yanukovych said in setting out his government's agenda this month. He did not mention NATO.

Yanukovych has publicly promised to uphold Ukraine's pro-Western course, and his interest in joining the European Union, with all the financial and political rewards that promises, is not in doubt.

But Yanukovych's ambivalence about NATO, despite his written pledge to make membership a priority, is so pronounced that even Ukraine's defense minister seemed uncertain about how convincing a case Yanukovych could make for Ukraine this week.

"Much will depend on how Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych is received by NATO, how convincing he is and whether he keeps his word," Anatoliy Hrytsenko, one of the strongest advocates for Ukraine's NATO membership, said in televised remarks.

Yanukovych's office has said that he is expected to meet with NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer and the European Union's top foreign policy official, Javier Solana, and participate in separate Ukraine-NATO and Ukraine-EU committee meetings.

It's a getting-to-know-you visit, a chance for EU and NATO officials to get reacquainted with the man whose fraud-marred grab for the Ukrainian presidency sparked the 2004 Orange Revolution mass protests. Yanukovych's bid was strongly supported by Russian President Vladimir Putin, and his ultimate defeat by the pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko was seen as not only a crushing loss for Yanukovych but also as a humiliation for the Kremlin.

Yanukovych rebounded less than two years later to lead his center-right party to victory in the 2006 parliamentary elections, and went on to form a governing coalition that includes the Socialist Party and the Communists. He has reached out to Yushchenko, and the president's center-left party is now in talks about joining the coalition; it already has a handful of members serving in Yanukovych's Cabinet.

The European Union is likely to sound out Yanukovych about his interest in joining a Russian-dominated economic union; they've warned that if Ukraine signs up to a customs union with Russia, Kiev could hurt its chances of setting up a free trade zone with the European Union. Yanukovych wants that free trade zone, and he has said he will make that clear.

NATO will be seeking more clarity about Ukraine's position ahead of a major alliance meeting in Latvia in November. Originally, Ukraine was expected to take the first step toward membership at that meeting. Yanukovych has said that will not happen, but Yushchenko has said it is still on the agenda.

Analysts predict that Yanukovych, who has said he doesn't want to get stuck in an "either-or" choice between Moscow and the West, will try to keep his options open, particularly on this first visit.

"He is well-versed at saying the right things," said Ivan Lozowy, president of the Kiev-based Institute of Statehood and Democracy. "But no matter how pleasing he tries to be, he understands that his words and deeds will be closely watched in Moscow."

Source: AP

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EU Proposes Guidelines For Closer Ties With Ukraine, Including Free Trade Area

BRUSSELS, Belgium -- The European Commission proposed guidelines for closer ties with Ukraine, including the creation of a free trade area.


The commission said the proposal, agreed ahead of tomorrow's first visit here by Ukraine prime minister Viktor Yanukovitch, will go to EU heads of state for approval, with a view to launching negotiations early next year.

'The new agreement will aim to build on Ukraine's forthcoming accession to the WTO with a free trade agreement that creates a strong foundation for closer trade and economic relations between the EU and Ukraine,' EU trade commissioner Peter Mandelson said.

'Harmonising regulation and removing barriers to trade will attract new investment and make it easier for businesses to operate across borders,' Mandelson said.

External relations commissioner Benita Ferrero-Waldner said: 'The new agreement will bring us closer together by stepping up our cooperation in a wide range of areas, including vital topics like energy, justice and security issues, transport and the environment.'

Source: AFX

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Ukraine Gives Consensus A Try

KIEV, Ukraine -- Revolutions are known to devour their own children, but Ukraine's Orange revolutionaries luckily have strayed from this pattern, opting instead to welcome back the opponents orphaned by the political transformation of late 2004.

Viktor Yanukovich

It may be a triumph of political expediency and ambition over democratic ideals, but the new coalition government that was formed last month could prove to be more revolutionary and lasting than the lofty rhetoric that preceded it.

In a feat of unapologetic political manoeuvring, President Viktor Yushchenko nominated his past presidential rival, Viktor Yanukovich, as prime minister the day before the president was bound by the constitution to dissolve parliament and call new elections. The candidacy was approved in a parliamentary vote even though some members of the president's own party abstained or voted against it.

The impasse that followed March 26 parliamentary elections — in which no party won an outright majority — was broken at the last minute with the same flair for backroom intrigue and tenacious survivalist skills that had stalled the political process in Ukraine for more than four months.

The Orange revolution, which emerged victorious in December 2004 following accusations of vote-rigging that followed Yanukovich's initial victory in November, was tested from the start by the intransigent and predominantly Russian-speaking regions in the south and the east, which threatened secession in the face of what they considered to be a betrayal of the country's priorities.

The presidential contest supposedly had pitted Western against Russian interests, a struggle superimposed over a long-standing cultural and economic rift within Ukraine itself. But instead of engaging or settling the genuine differences between parts of the country, the election turned into a zero-sum game, framed by suspicion, finger-pointing and echoes of earlier proxy skirmishes between Russia and the West.

Yanukovich and his camp of oligarchic supporters could hardly compete against the stirring, photogenic cast that made up the Orange alliance, but their constituency was not a fiction of the Kremlin's imagination.

Ukraine's eastern half accounts for the bulk of the country's robust economy, bound to Russia in equal measure by historical kinship, geographic proximity and subsidized energy exports that underpin Ukraine's heavy industry. At the same time, eastern Ukraine and its representatives were no more likely to petition for Russia's overt support than the Québécois are prone to invite French intervention.

Striding over domestic affairs with leaps of rhetoric and grandstanding brought Ukraine's new Orange rulers a rush of accolades from abroad, but left a sizable minority demoralized and apprehensive.

While the revolution's backers welcomed the outcome of the second round of voting that gave Yushchenko the presidency, democratic processes were never properly institutionalized, undermining the mechanisms to broker the country's internal socio-political struggles.

A conflict of interests soon emerged within the Orange alliance. Hasty populist measures, several thorough cabinet reshuffles, tensions with Russia, and intergovernmental personal vendettas made for a fine spectacle but they also tempered economic growth and brought the legislative process to a standstill. In this game of winner-take-all, Ukraine's people turned out to be the biggest loser.

In this context, the new grand coalition can seem like a gamble, a doomed compromise of opportunists and romantics. Propped up by Ukraine's Socialist and Communist parties — small factions that emerged as kingmakers at the time of political gridlock — the alliance allocated the pivotal defence and foreign policy portfolios to Yushchenko's party while assigning the various economic and interior affairs ministries to the group led by Yanukovich.

The result is a hybrid entity that embodies the paradoxes of modern Ukraine. It has no chance if the spirit of pragmatic engagement gives way to ideological squabbles.

The government faces the dual challenges of continued integration into European and Western institutions — a process Yanukovich has vowed to support — and a tense relationship with Russia, with looming negotiations over gas deliveries that so far have been contentious and controversial. The opposition will exploit any failure attack the unsteady coalition.

At another level, the new government is an unambiguous, albeit symbolic, assertion of sovereignty, uncompromised by hidden pledges to outside powers. Observers from Russia and from the West have read all possible shades of meaning into the pact between Yushchenko and Yanukovich, each finding something laudable in its prospects.

It is a sign that Ukraine's elites have grown more thoughtful, favouring a tenuous consensus over a single-minded resolve. Perhaps Ukraine will finally embrace the kind of inclusive pluralist policies which befit a nation that straddles both parts of Europe.

Source: Toronto Star

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Tuesday, September 12, 2006

Ukraine Hopes To Strengthen Cooperation With EU: PM

KIEV, Ukraine -- The Ukrainian government is willing to enhance cooperation with the European Union (EU) and sign a relevant fundamental agreement, Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych said on Monday.


The EU had paid great attention to the new Ukrainian government's stance on the country's integration with Europe and whether the two sides could continue to develop their cooperation, Yanukovych said.

He added that his Socialist Party supported the integration process of Ukraine and Europe, saying it was "the future of the nation."

Ukraine must raise the standard of living of its residents and boost reforms in the fields of economy and the legal system to get ready for the integration, said the prime minister.

Yanukovych said his country and the EU should realize "interaction" with each other in the process, adding that Ukraine hoped to set up a free trade area with the bloc.

Ukraine would also make efforts to join the World Trade Organization on the basis of protecting the interests of the country's enterprises, he said.

According to the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry, Yanukovych will head a delegation to attend the 10th session of the Ukraine-EU Cooperation Committee and a meeting between his country and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in Brussels on Thursday, in his first visit to the EU and NATO headquarters after the parliament approved him as prime minister on Aug. 4.

Source: Xinhua

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Ukraine's Tymoshenko Says Domestic Natural Gas Prices Unfair

KIEV, Ukraine -- Yulia Tymoshenko, the leader of an eponymous opposition bloc in Ukraine's parliament, said Monday she believes the price for natural gas is unfair to the country's population.


Tymoshenko, who served as President Viktor Yushchenko's first prime minister before being replaced by Yuriy Yekhanurov, said natural gas prices for Ukrainian households have been raised twice, and currently stand at $81 to $88 per 1,000 cubic meters.

"We at the Supreme Rada are ready to disclose the real cost of natural gas that is produced in Ukraine, because it is Ukrainian gas that is supplied to households," Tymoshenko said.

She said her coalition will call for the creation of a special inquiry commission to investigate the circumstances behind the gas price hikes for Ukrainian consumers.

The price of natural gas has been a contentious issue with Russia during western-leaning President Viktor Yushchenko's time in office since 2004.

It is also an important factor in Ukraine's economy, which is driven largely by the fuel-intensive heavy industry.

Ukraine currently imports a mixture of Russian and Turkmen natural gas at $95 per 1,000 cubic meters. The price formula is based on a European rate of $230 for Russian gas and $60 for the Central Asian republic's gas.

But Russian energy giant Gazprom agreed to a 50% price rise, to $100 per 1,000 cubic meter, for its supplies from Turkmenistan this week.

Source: RIA Novosti

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Monday, September 11, 2006

We Need Time To Work With Shevvy - Jose

LONDON, UK -- Chelsea boss Jose Mourinho has no fears about Andriy Shevchenko's ability to adjust to life in the Premiership.

Andriy Shevchenko (L)

Shevchenko, 29, was expected to produce an explosion of goals after his £30million move from AC Milan to Chelsea but the goals are not flowing in London.

He has scored once in four Premiership games but his manager leapt to his defence after a subdued performance in Chelsea's 2-1 win against Charlton. Mourinho said: "The quality is there.

It doesn't worry me. What worries me is that we have no time to work again before another important game."

Mourinho added: "I think he has adapted. The problem today (Saturday) was easy to see. He played a big game for Ukraine against Georgia on Wednesday and then travels to London.

"He arrives at 6am on Thursday and, 48 hours later, he has a difficult game against a good team. We have no time to prepare and no time to work."

Chelsea's Champions League campaign starts on Tuesday with a home game against Werder Bremen - a team which Michael Ballack says can be brilliant or awful.

Ballack said: "They are a team that thinks very offensively. They want to score every game. But sometimes they give chances to the other team and make mistakes in defence.

"At Munich, we lost three years ago at home. They won 3-0 and they won the title too. This was not good.

"But I remember games where they lost badly because they were playing so offensively. In the Champions League they lost 7-2 at Lyon, two years ago. They were not very stable."

Source: Soccer 365

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Russia's Putin Takes New, Warm Tone Towards Ukraine

MOSCOW, Russia -- Russia's President Vladimir Putin went out of his way to compliment Ukraine's West-leaning president at a lunch with scholars, suggesting an attempt to thaw recent frosty relations, participants at the meeting said.

President Vladimir Putin

Putin's new warmth towards Kiev and President Viktor Yushchenko could help in forthcoming talks on gas supplies, an issue that sparked a major row last January and disrupted supplies to Western Europe.

"(Putin) really complimented President Yushchenko. It is the first time I have heard anything positive from Putin on Yushchenko personally," Nikolai Zlobin, of the Washington-based World Security Institute, said late on Saturday.

Moscow's relations with Kiev soured when the 2004 "Orange Revolution" swept Yushchenko to power and defeated Viktor Yanukovich, the candidate openly favoured by the Kremlin.

But a coalition of the president's allies collapsed and last month Yanukovich became prime minister in a power-sharing deal with Yushchenko.

Putin was speaking at an annual lunch on Saturday for about 50 Russia scholars, mainly from the United States and Europe.

"(Putin) said Yushchenko was a great man, and that we have stability now for the next five years, and that this is good for Europe," said Alexander Rahr of the German Council on Foreign Relations.

Kiev hopes Yanukovich's closer ties with Moscow will help it in talks with Russian gas monopoly Gazprom.

Ukraine pays $95 per 1,000 cubic metres of gas imported via Russia. That deal expires on Jan. 1 and Gazprom has said the price could go up to $230. Ukraine says it hopes to limit the hike to about $135 per 1,000 cubic metres.

A big price hike could cripple Ukraine's fuel-hungry economy.

Customers for Russian gas in the European Union are also watching the negotiations closely because the main pipelines supplying them pass through Ukraine.

Gazprom turned off supplies to Ukraine earlier this year over a contract dispute. That briefly disrupted supplies to Europe.

The Kremlin has not released details of what was said at the four-hour lunch, at Putin's residence near Moscow.

Source: Reuters

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Sunday, September 10, 2006

Ukraine President Courts Caspian Oil In Azerbaijan

BAKU, Azerbaijan -- Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko on Thursday urged oil-rich Azerbaijan to send Caspian Sea crude for delivery through a Ukrainian pipeline that has been the subject of geopolitical jostling in the former Soviet Union.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliev

Following talks with Azerbaijani president Ilham Aliev, Yushchenko said Ukraine's state oil company Naftogaz Ukrainy has proposed that Azerbaijan commit to sending 4.5 million to 5 million tons of oil a year that would be pumped through the pipeline leading from the Black Sea port of Odessa to Brody, near the Polish border.

Azerbaijani oil could be refined and sold in Ukraine, Yushchenko suggested, and could eventually be pumped further into Europe through an existing pipeline into Slovakia and later through a proposed extension of the Odessa-Brody pipeline into Poland.

Ukraine has been debating how to use the pipeline for years, amid Russia's strong lobbying for it to pump Russian oil in the opposite direction - to Odessa for further transport to western markets trough Turkey's Bosporus.

The Western-leaning Yushchenko, and the United States, have favored using it to pump Caspian oil.

Aliev made no commitments but welcomed the proposal, saying that by 2008 he expects a new U.S.-backed pipeline from the Caspian to the Turkish Mediterranean shore to be filled to capacity.

"In the coming years the volume of production and export will rise, and so it is very interesting for us to consider the question of alternative routes," he said.

The two leaders spoke after meeting for two hours and signing a joint declaration that Aliev said "bears witness to the high level of political relations and the desire to strengthen them."

Yushchenko is seeking to lessen Russia's influence on Ukraine, in part by seeking other sources of energy. Russia cut off natural gas deliveries briefly in January during a price dispute that ended with nearly twofold hike in the rate Ukraine pays for the gas it relies upon.

Separately, Russia's gas giant Gazprom its chief, Alexei Miller, and Ukrainian Fuel and Energy Minister Yuriy Boyko had met Thursday and agreed on additional supplies for Ukraine in the fourth quarter of 2006.

Gazprom had warned earlier that Ukraine wasn't injecting enough gas into storage facilities to guarantee stable supplies of gas westward to the European Union.

It had said this risked a repeat of supply shortages that Gazprom's EU customers suffered last winter, when Russia says Ukraine illegally siphoned gas from transit pipelines to meet a temporary surge in its domestic demand.

The price for the additional gas will be determined "in a constructive basis, taking into account the strategic perspectives for cooperation in the gas sphere of Ukraine," a Gazprom statement said.

Source: AP

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Opponent Found for Wladimir Klitschko

MOSCOW, Russia -- Wilfred Sauerland, manager for International Boxing Federation (IBF) world heavyweight champion Wladimir Klitschko, has announced that the Ukrainian's next opponent will be the American boxer Calvin Brock.


Klitschko will meet Brock, who has yet to lose a match in his career, on November 11 in New York's Madison Square Garden.

The announcement of the match with Calvin Brock concludes the lengthy process of choosing Wladimir Klitschko's opponent in his first title defense.

Klitschko seized the title of IBF world heavyweight champion with a technical knockout in a match in April against Chris Byrd.

His next match, with Shannon Briggs, had already been set for November 11 when Oleg Maskaev defeated Hasim Rahman to win the World Boxing Council (WBC) golden belt.

Jumping at the chance to win a second title, Klitschko dropped his match with Briggs and challenged Maskaev for the date scheduled in November.

Maskaev, however, decided that he would not be fit for such a match so soon after his difficult fight against Rahman, and Klitschko was left without an opponent.

Enter Calvin Brock, who has already distinguished himself from other young American fighters with an impressive record of 29 wins (22 KOs) in 29 matches, including wins against some of the world's best heavyweights.

Klitschko has announced that he is certain of victory, but it is clear that the fight against Brock will be one of the most difficult matches Klitschko has faced in recent years.

Source: Kommersant

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Danone Taps Ukraine's Growing Dairy Market

KIEV, Ukraine -- Continuing to bolster its presence in high-growth markets, Groupe Danone has acquired the Ukraine's leading fresh dairy company, JSC Molochnyi Zavod 'Rodich'.


Financial terms of the transaction were not disclosed.

The acquisition will strengthen the French group's existing Ukrainian portfolio, in a country where the annual growth for the last three years for fresh dairy consumption has been over 15%.

With annual per capita fresh dairy consumption in Ukraine averaging 4kg, compared with 22kg in western Europe, Danone claims the Ukrainian fresh dairy market offers promising scope for development.

The group plans to offer traditional products, such as kefir and Smetana, which are produced primarily in their domestic market.

Danone will also benefit from significant additional local distribution capabilities, as well as access to a strong milk sourcing network and production platform.

The Paris-based company has been active in Ukraine since 1999, with imported added-value products such as Activia, Actimel, Rastichka, and Danissimo.

Molochnyi Zavod 'Rodich' enjoys a strong market position with its Rodich and Vesely Pastushok brands, and posted sales of Euro 10 million ($12,7 million) in 2005.

Source: Food Business Online

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Saturday, September 09, 2006

Former PM Sentenced In States Looks Forward To Early Release

KIEV, Ukraine -- Although former Ukrainian Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko was sentenced by a U.S. court just two weeks ago to nine years in prison for money laundering, his lawyers have already reiterated that he intends to return to Ukraine and will not serve more than two months of his sentence, calling into question whether justice really has been served.

Former Ukraine Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko leaves a federal court house in San Francisco, California, after being sentenced to nine years in prison and fined $10 million.

After a six-year investigation, 10-week trial, and repeated sentencing delays, U.S. Federal Court Judge Martin J. Jenkins finally sentenced Lazarenko on Aug. 25 to nine years in jail, a fine of $10 million and three years of supervised release. The 53-year-old, who was prime minister of Ukraine from 1996 to 1997, maintained that his fortune had been amassed through legal business operations.

Lazarenko now has the infamy of being the first former head of a foreign government to be tried and convicted in the U.S. since Panama’s Manuel Noriega in 1992.

Most of the allegations of embezzlement of state funds and abuse of office against Lazarenko were related to the fight for gas profits between rival political and business groups in Ukraine in the 1990s. Lazarenko had earlier held the post of energy minister.

Lazarenko sentenced

Lazarenko initially faced a 53-count indictment levied by the U.S. Attorney’s Office in March 2004, which charged that he abused his position of power in Ukraine, especially as prime minister, to make about $114 million in the mid-90s.

A federal jury convicted Lazarenko on 29 of these counts on June 3, 2004.

Judge Jenkins threw out 15 of these counts, confirming the remaining 14 counts of money laundering, wire fraud and interstate transportation of stolen property in a May 20, 2005 decision.

Just prior to Lazarenko’s Aug. 26 sentencing, the U.S. Attorney’s Office submitted a strongly worded sentencing (memo) to the court, which contended that Lazarenko “engaged in massive abuse of both his public office [when prime minister] and the United States financial system,” by enriching himself at the expense of the Ukrainian people through extortion and fraud, concealing $44 million in laundered money in a “maze of offshore accounts.”

The Attorney’s Office added that Lazarenko had violated both Ukrainian and federal law by laundering money through U.S. banks (in addition to banks in Switzerland and other countries) and demanded a stringent sentence of “220 months in custody, forfeiture of $22,846,000, a fine of $43,392,000 … and a three-year term of supervised release.”

Judge Jenkins settled on a much lighter sentence and fine, given the fact that much of the money allegedly laundered by Lazarenko was “commingled” with legitimately acquired funds, and that the illegitimate funds were, therefore, hard to identify.

Even so, the sentencing was heralded as a victory for justice and, according to U.S. Attorney Kevin Ryan, who tried the case, illustrated that “[the U.S. Attorney’s Office] will persevere and obtain convictions and lengthy sentences for corrupt public officials – even if they are from foreign countries…”

Lazarenko’s legal team is already gearing up to challenge the verdict in California’s 9th District Court of Appeals on Sept. 29, the same day the Court plans to consider the U.S. Attorney’s Office’s forfeiture request. The request calls for Lazarenko to turn over another $23 million in property and assets held in the U.S., which could include his $6 million mansion, formerly owned by U.S. comedian Eddie Murphy.

His lawyers have already taken to making their case for overturning the verdict public, as evidenced by recent press statements. Lazarenko, a former Ukrainian prime minister, said he fled to the U.S. in 1999 seeking political asylum during Leonid Kuchma’s presidency after receiving death threats.

Lazarenko’s legal “dream team,” which includes high-profile American lawyers Doron Weinberg, Dennis Riordan and Don Horgan, has said that even if their client loses the Sept. 29 appeal, he will still serve far less than the nine-year sentence imposed by Judge Jenkins.

Yevheniya Kolodiy, one of Lazarenko’s Ukrainian lawyers, spelled out the logic to Ukrainian journalists earlier this week.

“According to [Lazarenko’s] American lawyers, normally 85 percent of federal court sentences are served, which in our case means a subtraction of 16.2 months,” she said, adding that “Pavlo Lazarenko spent 52 months under arrest [in prison], which the court has also included… Of the 40 remaining months our client has already spent 38 under house arrest.”

Confident of early release

As a result, Pavlo Lazarenko stated confidently in a Sept. 2 interview with the Komsomolskaya Pravda – Ukrayina newspaper that “the suggestion that I’ll sit five years in jail, as Ukrainian mass media controlled by my political opponents has reported over the last couple of days, won’t happen even in their wildest dreams.”

With their calculation, Lazarenko’s lawyers have not only shortened his jail term to just two months, but seriously called into question whether justice was really served by the U.S. court system – especially as another high-profile case involving former governor of Ukraine’s northeastern Sumy region, Volodymyr Shcherban, who has also been accused of abuse of office and financial fraud, looms on the horizon in the U.S.

Luke Macaulay, spokesman for the U.S. Attorney’s Office in California, countered in comments to the Post that the time Lazarenko spent under house arrest would not be factored in, and that the former prime minister “will have to serve at least 85 percent [of his jail term, or 91.8 months].”

There is also the matter of the three years of Lazarenko’s supervised release that follow his jail term, the details of which must be hashed out by Judge Jenkins and Lazarenko’s parole officer, according to Macaulay, who added that it’s unclear whether Lazarenko will have to remain in the U.S. upon his release or can travel freely to Ukraine.

In the meantime, Lazarenko has been gearing up for a return to the Ukrainian political scene, where his alleged insider information about corrupt practices involving a number of current Ukrainian government officials and businessmen from the Kuchma era could shake things up considerably.

During the March 26 general elections this year, Lazarenko used his incredible financial resources to run a campaign that brought his Hromada party and the eponymous Lazarenko Bloc (formed by Hromada in conjunction with the Social-Democratic Party and the Social Democratic Union) a measure of success at the local level.

According to media reports from the March 26 election, Lazarenko openly campaigned against the Donetsk-based Party of Regions, which now controls the government at the national parliamentary level. Moreover, during the election campaign, he conducted several hour-long question and answer sessions with voters on a direct line from San Francisco, where he’s been for the last six years.

Opinions divided

The Lazarenko Bloc won 17 seats on Dnipropetrovsk’s 100-member regional council in the general elections, which BBC World Service correspondent Vadym Ryzhkov said amounts to a “golden share”, or powerful swing vote that set the fate of the coalition-building process at the regional level.

After overtures made by the Lazarenko Bloc to form a coalition with the pro-presidential Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (named after another former prime minister) on the Dnipropetrovsk regional council proved unsuccessful, the Lazarenko Bloc opted to team up with the Party of Regions, backed by powerful Donetsk businessmen who’ve traditionally rivaled the Dnipropetrovsk clan for influence.

These election results indicate that Lazarenko could be poised to return to Ukraine’s political scene, although Andriy Yermolayev, director of the Sofia Center for Social Research, attributes the election results more to “inertia” and a slick advertising campaign.

“There will be no cataclysmic results from the return of Lazarenko to Ukraine. As a result of the sentencing by the court, Lazarenko has finally lost the battle over his image as a true fighter for fairness against a corrupt regime, as his lawyers have repeatedly tried to portray him. He’s now a criminal who’s been sentenced for corruption…

His last remaining moral arguments now hold no weight,” said Yermolayev, adding that Lazarenko’s return to politics would most likely not be accepted by society.

However, the insider information Lazarenko reportedly has on corrupt business practices during the nearly lawless 1990s could afford him considerable levers of influence over a number of politicians and business clans.

“To date, for capital groups closely tied to Ukraine’s system of corruption, and for quite a large number of Ukrainian politicians who have close ties to Ukraine’s oil and gas industry, the information and the business and political secrets known by Lazarenko are the key to their careers.

This will, without doubt, be a method of influence over their conduct and their political future,” said Yermolayev, adding that Tymoshenko must be especially prepared for the return of Lazarenko, as her businesses have previously factored into investigations regarding corruption in the gas sector.

According to Yermolayev, the fact that Lazarenko was sentenced shows that as far as the U.S. government is concerned, Lazarenko has already played his role.

“For a long time, they [the U.S.] had Lazarenko hanging on a hook, and it’s clear that his sentencing was dependent on certain developments in Ukraine. Note that Lazarenko wasn’t sentenced until after the Kuchma era came to an end … until certain situations arose with the Orange government,” said Yermolayev.

Now it seems that Lazarenko is no longer needed by the U.S. as a way to influence Ukrainian politics – a threat from abroad with significant insider information who could be released at any moment, he added.

“Thus, he could now be sentenced because he, as the maverick, has fulfilled his task. The courts, nonetheless, delivered a negative sentence, which is a signal to political factions and politicians who are tied to the image of Lazarenko,” said Yermolayev.

It is precisely because of Lazarenko’s aims to regain influence in Ukraine – in both political and economic circles – that the U.S. Attorney’s office sought a tough sentence for his money-laundering crimes.

The U.S. Attorney’s office’s sentencing memo noted, “[Lazarenko’s] ongoing claims of innocence and the recent election in Ukraine demonstrate that he continues to pose a danger, and a significant sentence is necessary…”

Source: Kyiv Post

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Polish Investors In Ukraine Cause Boom

KIEV, Ukraine -- In the first six months of 2006, the total value of Polish exports to Ukraine reached $1.295bn, 55 percent more than in the same period of 2005, according to the Polish News Bulletin.


From 2002 to 2005, it has increased from $1.180bn to $2.588bn. As a result, as an importer of Polish goods Ukraine has overtaken Hungary and presently holds the same position as Sweden.

Meanwhile, the value of Polish investments in the country exceeded $240m, thus amounting to 2.5 percent of the total value of all foreign investments carried out locally in H1 of 2006.

Polish investors are most willing to launch their projects in special economic zones, which at present house investments of over 70 companies from Poland.

Alone the projects carried in the vicinity of Lvov are worth over $150m.

The growing presence of domestic investors in Ukraine and consolidation of the metallurgic industry resulted in a boom on the trans-border shipping market. Since May, domestic company CTL Logistics has been shipping coke to Ukraine and to Romania via Ukraine and Moldova for international giant Mittal Steel.

It is the first case of the Ukrainian railways establishing co-operation with a private shipping enterprise. "In the next few years, the volume of raw material shipments from Ukraine to countries located further East, such as Kazakhstan, may be expected to grow.

In order to facilitate shipments from EU member states to Central Asia, we decided to spend ZL40m on the construction of two trans-shipment terminals on the Polish-Ukrainian border," says Trans Trade CEO Ireneusz Gojski.

Shipments from Ukraine usually carry mass loads of materials such as minerals or steel, with machinery, home appliances and cars heading in the opposite direction. Recently, shipping companies have included customs services in their offer. In this way, they do not have to transport the shipped goods to Kiev, where most of their clients have established their local headquarters.

"Following the customs operations, which are performed at the border, the goods are delivered directly to receivers. In this way, transport costs are lowered by up to 20 percent," estimates Andrzej Kozlowski from Ukrainian branch of Raben.

Domestic companies are experiencing problems with distributors in Ukraine, which is a country twice the size of Poland. In order to evade this obstacle, Nowy Styl chair producer, which built a factory in the special economic zone near Kharkov, decided to take shipping its products into its own hands.

After investing in vehicles, it set up a network of warehouses in the entire country. On the other hand, can manufacturer Can-Pack managed to establish successful co-operation with local transport firms.

However, its representatives admit that warehouse space in Ukraine is greatly insufficient. According to real-estate market research company DTZ, the country is lacking as much as 400,000 square metres of warehouse space.

The existing warehouses are often located near railway tracks, which encourages Polish shippers to use railways to deliver the goods to the receiver.

Such is the case with Polfrost, whose Deputy CEO Marek Siwiec stresses that so far the goods his company was responsible for were never stolen, whereas in Poland he has seen entire loads disappear from warehouses.

However, investors operating in the country still have to deal with omnipresent corruption. According to Transparency International, Ukraine remains one of the most corrupted states in the world. On the other hand, those willing to take the risk may hope for high profits.

So far, this incentive has tempted several shipping companies, including Schenker, Kuehne + Nagel, Frank Maas and Raben. Over the last 12 months, the latter firm has set up six trans-shipment terminals and increased employment from 10 to 150 people.

So far, Polish logistics and shipping companies, such as Pekaes, Trans-Poludnie, Link or Omega-Pilzno, are reluctant to enter the Ukrainian market. "We might consider taking such steps in the future. At present, however, the long queues at border crossings and the reigning corruption are not in the least encouraging," says Rafal Pijar from Trans-Poludnie.

Source: UNIAN

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Yushchenko Was Poisoned With Russian, U.S. Or U.K. Made Dioxin

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko was poisoned during his 2004 election campaign with dioxin made in Russia, the U.S. or Britain, Ukraine's prosecutor general said Friday.


"The Prosecutor General's Office conducted an additional examination of the quality of the dioxin discovered in the president's blood, and found that limited amounts of this substance were produced... in the U.S., Britain or Russia," Oleksandr Medvedko said.

He said prosecutors were in possession of samples both of Russian and U.S.-made dioxins and will test them.

Medvedko said investigators have established the precise time, venue and circumstances of the poisoning.

"The only thing left is to prove who committed the crime. We are working on that jointly with the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU)," he said.

Yushchenko fell ill shortly after a dinner September 5, 2004 with the then SBU head Ihor Smeshko, and his deputy, Volodymyr Satsiuk, whom he invited to discuss the election campaign.

On September 6, Ukrainian doctors diagnosed food poisoning, and on September 10, as he failed to improve, Yushchenko was taken to the Rudolfinerhaus clinic in Vienna, which he left later in the month for the election campaign.

Medical experts involved, including from the U.S., Austria and Great Britain, were divided over the cause of the illness, but in late 2004 the Rudolfinerhaus clinic finally confirmed that he had indeed been poisoned with dioxin.

Source: RIA Novosti

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Friday, September 08, 2006

Ukrainian Official's Death Deemed Intentional

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukraine's top law enforcement official believes the death of an opposition leader in a car crash seven years ago was an intentional killing, not an accident, a Ukrainian Interior Ministry spokeswoman said Thursday.

Vyacheslav Chornovil

Vyacheslav Chornovil died instantly on March 25, 1999, when the car he was riding in slammed into the side of a truck.

Authorities called it an accident, but doubts grew when the government refused to investigate any other possibility and quickly granted amnesty to the truck driver.

The crash occurred as Chornovil, who was expected to enter the presidential race, was returning from a campaign trip.

A video-recorded confession of alleged police involvement surfaced, but then was mysteriously misplaced.

The government of former President Leonid Kuchma dismissed allegations that Chornovil's death was a political killing aimed at removing a potential rival.

After President Viktor Yushchenko came into office in 2004, the investigation was reopened amid demands from lawmakers, including Chornovil's son Taras.

Last year, police said they suspected Chornovil's death was a political killing, but the case again stalled.

Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko said Chornovil was murdered, but gave no other details.

"As a person who has enough information, I am sure that … Chornovil was a victim of murder, not of a car crash," Lutsenko said late Wednesday, ministry spokeswoman Inna Kysil said.

Lutsenko also said police had made "serious progress" in investigating the case.

Chornovil was a dissident during the Soviet period who spent time in jail for his political views, and was instrumental in fostering Ukraine's independence amid the Soviet collapse.

Source: The Moscow Times

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'Pyramids' Discovered In Ukraine

LUHANSK, Ukraine -- Ukraine may be thousands of miles away from Egypt, but archaeologists there say they have found pyramids.

Archaeologists claim the Ukrainian pyramids predate those in Giza

It is claimed that the monuments have been uncovered in the east of the country and that they predate the pyramids in Egypt.

But the claim that there is evidence of pyramids is being disputed. The prestigious Academy of Sciences has sent its own expert to the dig.

It believes that this could be the Ukrainian version of Stonehenge.

This could be one of the most exciting archaeological discoveries in recent years.

It is claimed that pyramids are buried underground in eastern Ukraine. A team digging at a site near to the city of Luhansk has unearthed a huge religious complex.

It has uncovered remains which are believed to date back thousands of years.

The archaeologists say that clay plates, weighing each at least two tonnes, were arranged in circles and plastered over.

It is thought that it will take years for archaeologists to uncover the hidden truth.

In the meantime, tourism chiefs are keen to cash in and are already planning to open a hotel nearby.

Source: BBC News

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Thursday, September 07, 2006

Cry For Justice

KIEV, Ukraine -- In between this summer’s coalition-building soap opera and lawmakers’ annual vacation, which followed in the wake of political apathy, the recent comments by top cop Yuriy Lutsenko, that a Donetsk-based MP with banking interests had ordered the murder of a crime fighter, brought a typical reaction from the ruling Party of Regions.

Yuriy Lutsenko

Lutsenko said Aug. 23 that all the key figures had been arrested and that Roman Yerokhin had been killed because he was close to uncovering a huge money laundering scam. Seven MPs fit the bill.

A dead man’s blood is crying out for justice. Yet, Party of Regions MP Anna Herman complained that Lutsenko is always accusing someone without proof.

As constrained as he is, Lutsenko is doing his best. Lutsenko and Yerokhin had close professional ties, and the case is still very murky.

We do know that the deceased, a senior officer who investigated illegal money conversion in Donetsk Region, was good at his job and had recently moved to Kyiv for his own safety.

Herman is in the wrong, as Lutsenko did not even hint at the identity of whoever ordered the crime or the banks involved. He feels that if the key figure is caught, there will be huge political implications. And he is correct.

This tragedy could be as big as the Georgy Gongadze case. It could destroy the face of the country’s ruling party.

The killing also raises the old issue of immunity for MPs and whether it should be removed, at least for certain crimes. Justice does not exist for senior officials, and business and politics are still tightly intertwined.

Pavlo Lazarenko is the only senior Ukrainian official to have been tried and sentenced, albeit abroad.

He is also the only MP to have been stripped of immunity. The Yerokhin case will only be solved if another MP loses his immunity.

In this unlikely event it would set a precedent and could open the floodgates to many prosecutions.

The crux will be the reaction of Prosecutor General Oleksandr Medvedko. However, his track record in the Donetsk Region’s prosecutor’s office was patchy.

If his office brings charges, parliamentary speaker Oleksandr Moroz should hold a mandatory vote on sanctioning the arrest of the MP in question.

In any other event, justice will not be done or it may be done in a foreign court.

Yet, it is time for Moroz, who has made a career of positioning himself as a rare breed in Ukrainian politics – an honest politician – to stand up and prove he is as honest as he says.

That way bandits and thieves would no longer hide behind immunity.

It would also mean MPs come to work primarily as lawmakers and not lobbyists.

Now that would be democracy.

Source: Kyiv Post

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Only The U.S. Tries And Convicts

KIEV, Ukraine -- The sentencing two weeks ago of former Prime Minister Pavlo Lazarenko to nine years imprisonment and a $10 million fine brings to an end an investigation and trial that followed Lazarenko’s arrival in the U.S. seven years ago seeking ‘political asylum’ from Ukraine.

Pavlo Lazarenko (C) and son (R)

The major irony of the sentencing of Lazarenko by a U.S. court is that it would have never happened in Ukraine, where senior officials have always remained above the law, and still do.

If Lazarenko had stayed in Ukraine, or had been extradited to Ukraine by the U.S., he would have never been sentenced by the prosecutor’s office or tried in a Ukrainian court. A transcript made illicitly by Major Mykola Melnychenko in President Leonid Kuchma’s office has the latter to Prosecutor Mykhaylo Potebenko in 2000 about Lazarenko.

Kuchma suggests asking the U.S. to extradite Lazarenko to Ukraine. Potebenko replies that this would not be a good idea as Lazarenko’s testimony in court would implicate Kuchma and other senior officials. During Lazarenko’s Prime Ministership in 1996-1997, he was awarded two state medals by Kuchma.

No senior Kuchma era officials have been sentenced for abuse of office, election fraud or violence against journalists and political opponents. Such sentences are now highly unlikely as these same officials now have parliamentary immunity or are in government.

Senior Kuchma era officials were not to know that Yushchenko, once in power, would be so forgiving and tolerant of their misdemeanors. Different proposals for constitutional reforms were introduced by President Kuchma in his last two years in office to transform Ukraine into a parliamentary republic out of fear of an elected President Yushchenko with extensive executive powers stemming from the 1996 constitution.

With the failed parliamentary vote for constitutional reforms in April 2004, the dirtiest election campaign in Ukrainian history was unleashed to block Yushchenko’s election. This culminated in an attempted poisoning of Yushchenko in September 2004, followed by a failed bomb attempt two months later on Yushchenko’s election headquarters. Exaggerated fear of the threat following Yushchenko’s victory led some senior officials, such as Transport Minister Heorhiy Kirpa, to commit suicide.

A large number of Kuchma era officials were not prevented from fleeing to Russia where they have been protected by the Russian authorities as political allies. Senior Kuchma era officials who fled to authoritarian Russia as well as those who remained in democratic Ukraine avoided criminal charges.

Last year, Donetsk oligarch and Party of Regions MP Rinat Akhmetov hid in Monaco out of fear of criminal charges being launched against him after murder accusations were levelled against him. Last month Akhmetov was included by the presidential secretariat in the list of Ukrainian VIP’s who received a state medal.

Former Sumy Governor Volodymyr Shcherban was the only senior official who sought ‘political asylum’ in the U.S., rather than Russia. Following Lazarenko’s conviction, only Shcherban can therefore, among Kuchma era officials allegedly guilty of abuse of office, be charged and tried.

On Ukrainian Independence Day President Yushchenko said that society is seeking equality of all Ukrainian citizens before the law. Yet, Yushchenko admitted that ‘We have not achieved this’.

The Ukrainian authorities have an uphill struggle on transforming Ukraine into a state based on the rule of law. In 2004, the last year of Kuchma’s rule, 76 percent of Ukrainians believed there was no equality before the law, according to a Democratic Initiatives poll. Two years into the Yushchenko administration and this figure has only declined to 75.

Around 73 and 75 percent of Ukrainians, respectively, believe that if an individual has money or they belong to the authorities they can then escape justice. In other words, the current administration’s own inaction against senior Kuchma era officials has made people continue to believe there is no rule of law.

As the Ukrainian anecdote says, if you steal a cabbage you can go to jail. But, if you steal billions you run for parliament and have a criminal record better still, you are invited by the President to sign a Universal document and form the government.

Ukraine’s progress towards a state based on rule of law is being de-railed by five inherited legacies and contradictions within the Yushchenko administration.

First, the ‘new’ ruling elites did not arrive from abroad in 2004. President Yushchenko faithfully served President Kuchma from 1994-2001 and they both signed a denunciation of anti-Kuchma protestors in February 2001.

As events since the Orange Revolution have shown, Ukraine’s ruling elites protect each other from criminal charges. When President Yushchenko ordered the Prosecutor’s office to investigate charges of corruption made by presidential secretariat head Oleksandr Zinchenko against Yushchenko’s business allies, Yushchenko said he knew in advance that no evidence would be found. Such a comment is a signal to the Prosecutor’s office not to find any evidence.

In September 2005, President Yushchenko and opposition leader Viktor Yanukovych signed a Memorandum that permitted the Party of Regions to vote in favor of Yuriy Yekhanurov’s candidacy for Prime Minister. In the Memorandum, President Yushchenko agreed to give an amnesty for election fraud and reintroduced immunity for local deputies.

Lazarenko is the only Ukrainian politician to ever have his immunity stripped by the Ukrainian parliament. Parliament refused to consider Kuchma’s demand to strip Tymoshenko of immunity.

Second, there is no political will to prosecute senior officials inside Ukraine. Only the U.S. has ever prosecuted a senior Ukrainian official.

The 1996-2005 Ukrainian constitution permitted President Yushchenko to remove the Prosecutor. Following 2006 constitutional reforms this can only be undertaken with parliament’s approval.

Yushchenko did not replace Prosecutor Svyatoslav Piskun, whom he inherited from the Kuchma era, till nine months into his presidency. Piskun protected senior Kuchma era officials and eventually became an MP with the Party of Regions.

Serhiy Kivalov, head of the Central Electoral Commission in 2004 when election fraud occurred, is also a Party of Regions deputy. He was never charged and continued to be Dean of Ukraine’s most prestigious Law Academy in Odessa. He is also the current head of a parliamentary committee.

Third, the Yushchenko administration has always been divided in its attitudes towards the past. Yulia Tymoshenko believes she was upholding the Orange Revolution by supporting the launching of criminal proceedings for Kuchma era crimes, including calling for opening investigations into past privatizations.

President Yushchenko and Our Ukraine disagreed with Tymoshenko’s approach to the past. In his address to parliament on the day Viktor Yanukovych was elected premier, Yushchenko said, ‘We should not be looking for problems in the past.

This is the only way out’. The head of the presidential secretariat, Oleh Rybachuk, described mutual accusations between Yushchenko and Yanukovych in the 2004 elections as merely ‘asymmetrical’, ‘impetuous’ and ‘nasty things’.

Ukraine certainly needed reconciliation between warring political groups and inflamed regional tensions after the election. But one wonders whether reconciliation should be at the cost of the fundamental principal of a rule of a law-based state that everyone is equal before the law.

Fourth, last month Yushchenko unveiled a monument to former Rukh leader Vyacheslav Chornovil. An investigation has been re-opened into his death in what many have always believed was a suspicious car accident in March 1999.

If the new investigation finds that Chornovil’s death was not due to an ‘accident’, will the Yushchenko administration seek to find the high level organizers? This is highly doubtful on the basis of their record in office when dealing with the organizers of the murder of journalist Heorhiy Gongadze in 2000.

Only three lower ranking police officers have been put on trial. The organizers of Gongadze’s murder have never been charged, have been allowed to stay in politics, even though retired and out of office, to flee Ukraine or may have even been murdered.

Fifth, the Yushchenko administration, which has pledged to uphold the constitution and rule of law, is itself often not in compliance with the law. Presidential decrees in early 2005 to increase the power of the National Security and Defence Council, in order that it become a counter-weight to the Tymoshenko government, were unconstitutional.

A law adopted on Aug. 4, and signed into law that day by President Yushchenko, which prevents the Constitutional Court from reviewing constitutional reforms is illegal, according to U.S. Judge Bohdan Futey, a long time adviser to the International Republican Institute on legal reform in Ukraine. President Yushchenko cannot usurp the rights of the Constitutional Court.

Members of Our Ukraine in 2005 and 2006 refused to relinquish their parliamentary seats after entering government. Legislation requires this no later than 20 days following joining the government.

Roman Zvarych, the current Minister of Justice and Our Ukraine member, has ignored the Aug. 24 deadline to relinquish his parliamentary seat. He should set an example by upholding the law.

Following the return of Yanukovych to government, which is dominated by Kuchma era officials, Ukraine’s Orange Revolution is at a crossroads. Ukraine can either continue to slowly move forward democratically or stagnate towards the policies of the Kuchma era.

A state based on the rule of law is a central feature of a democracy and, therefore, if Ukraine is to continue to muddle ahead then this area needs radical institutional and cultural overhaul.

Source: Kyiv Post

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Two Years After, Yushchenko Poisoning Remains Unsolved

KIEV, Ukraine -- Tuesday marked two years from the day candidate Viktor Yushchenko attended a late night dinner with security officials during the presidential election campaign.


The dinner has been cited as the possible source of the poisoning that nearly cost the future president his life.

International and domestic experts have confirmed that Yushchenko was poisoned by dioxin.

Experts disagree, however, whether the poison was administered in one dose or over a period of time.

On Tuesday, Hryhoriy Omelchenko, a former security operative, now legislator from the Tymoshenko Bloc, called upon parliament to establish a commission to oversee the progress in the poisoning investigation.

Like most other high-profile crimes, Yushchenko’s poisoning remains unsolved.

Source: TV5

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Wednesday, September 06, 2006

U.S.- Russian Exercises Postponed by Moscow

MOSCOW, Russia -- Citing legal problems, Russia's Defense Ministry on Tuesday abruptly postponed joint military exercises with American forces that were scheduled to start later this month in central Russia.

Russian officer fires from U.S. assault rifle at Exercise Torgau 2005

The exercises were drawing increasing criticism from the Communist Party and other groups angry over the prospect of U.S. troops on Russian soil.

Disagreements over "the status of U.S. personnel who planned to participate in the exercises" brought on the Russian decision, an unidentified ministry official told the Russian news agency Interfax.

Granting U.S. requests on this question was impossible, the official said, "because any decision by Russia not to exercise its jurisdiction over arriving foreign contingents runs counter to the laws of the Russian Federation."

The Defense Ministry declined to explain the status issues or why they arose now between two countries that conducted joint exercises in Russia as recently as last year.

Nearly 300 U.S. and Russian troops held joint maneuvers outside Moscow in an exercise called Torgau, named after the German town where American and Soviet troops met up in the final days of World War II in Europe.

The ministry now wants a ratified agreement on the issues that concern it, Interfax reported.

In Washington, a Pentagon official said the U.S. side had received no official word of a postponement and held out the possibility that the exercise might go ahead if remaining issues with the Russians can be worked out.

Speaking on condition of anonymity because discussions remain open, the official said the size of the U.S. force has been a point of contention.

"There has been a lot of discussion about how to get this exercise done, what the comfort level is with the size of the Army unit going in," the official said.

This was to be the third phase of the extended Torgau exercise, aimed at increasing the ability of U.S. and Russian troops to operate together in the field.

The first phase was conducted in Russia in 2004, followed by joint operations in Russia and Grafenwoehr, Germany, in 2005.

Tensions between the two governments have been rising recently. U.S. officials have criticized setbacks to democratic development in Russia and the country's alleged use of energy as a diplomatic weapon.

The ambitions of Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko and Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili to join the NATO alliance have also soured relations.

U.S. criticism and policies in the region are often seen here as an attempt to undermine Moscow's influence with its neighbors.

Alexander Khramchikhin of the Institute for Political and Military Analysis in Moscow said he believed the postponement was not based on a technical issue. "The deeper reason is the worsening of Russian-American relations. . . .

This was a political decision. The Ministry of Defense just carried out the order."

The exercises, to involve unarmed U.S. personnel, were to be held near Nizhny Novgorod, about 250 miles east of Moscow.

The two countries have continued to hold joint exercises outside Russia, but the Kremlin may fear that the presence of U.S. troops could become a galvanizing issue for some of its domestic opponents.

"Emotions being heightened over these maneuvers by certain political forces do not match the scope of the planned exercises," a Defense Ministry official told Interfax.

Last month, a planned exercise between U.S. reservists and Ukrainian forces in Crimea, a Russian-speaking part of Ukraine, was called off after weeks of demonstrations by local residents who drew expressions of support from Russian lawmakers.

In Russia, the Communist Party had vowed that protesters would close off all roads leading to the firing range near Nizhny Novgorod and would stage demonstrations in cities across Russia.

"These exercises have no other meaning except an attempt at aggression and building a bridgehead in one of the key regions of the Russian Federation where nuclear centers and major industrial enterprises are concentrated," Gennady Zyuganov, head of the Communist Party, told reporters Monday in Moscow.

"We should not let them here into the heart of Russia. If they want to visit historic places, let them come as tourists, and we will show and tell them everything."

The governor of Nizhny Novgorod, Valery Shantsev, accused the Communists of stirring up public emotions to secure votes in upcoming regional and federal elections.

Source: Washington Post

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New Ukraine PM Yanukovich Vows Reform, Transparency

KIEV. Ukraine -- Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich, back in office nearly two years after his "Orange Revolution" defeat, vowed on Tuesday to oversee faster reform, but Ukraine's main opposition leader dismissed his promises as meaningless.


Yanukovich was humiliated when he lost the re-run of a presidential election to Viktor Yushchenko, who was backed by thousands of demonstrators demanding reform of the ex-Soviet republic. The original vote, which pro-Moscow Yanukovich won, had been found to be rigged.

However, Yanukovich emerged as prime minister in August after months of turmoil over an inconclusive parliamentary poll.

Addressing parliament's first sitting since his appointment, Yanukovich said his government would make Ukraine a reliable place for foreign investors.

"We will create a transparent investment climate. We will form a real, transparent tax policy," he told the chamber.

His government remained committed to Yushchenko's policy of faster integration into Europe. But good relations with Russia were also vital to guard against a repeat of a New Year row that disrupted Russian gas supplies to Europe.

"Grand declarations about Ukraine's integration with Europe must be relegated to the past. We must not try to persuade the world that we are something exceptional," he said.

"We must simply work and work hard, guided by national interests...As the president has said: We have to learn to score victories."

Yushchenko's powers have been reduced under constitutional changes agreed during the 2004 "orange" protests in his favor that eventually led to his election victory on pledges of ending a decade of post-Soviet corruption.

He agreed to appoint Yanukovich after months of torrid negotiations that saw the "orange" coalition shatter and his revolution-era colleague Yulia Tymoshenko head into opposition.

The fiery Tymoshenko was Yushchenko's first prime minister, sacked after eight months. She said Yanukovich's record as prime minister during former President Leonid Kuchma's 10-year stay in office, rendered his pledges pointless.

"Have you forgotten that for 10 years under Kuchma, brilliant speeches were made?" Tymoshenko, sporting her trademark peasant braid, told reporters.

"They said the right things, but nothing was done. We will not be comradely about this. Ours will be a true opposition.

A number of Yushchenko's allies remain in the government -- mainly in areas still linked to the president under the constitution, like defense and foreign policy.

Source: Reuters

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Tuesday, September 05, 2006

Ukraine's Tymoshenko Vows Tough Opposition As Parliament Opens

KIEV, Ukraine -- Yulia Tymoshenko, a charismatic former prime minister of Ukraine, has started the new parliamentary year with a typically robust statement on her intention to form a genuine opposition to the government.


The Supreme Rada returned to work Tuesday after the summer recess and preceding months of post-election paralysis as rival groups fought to take control of the government and senior parliamentary posts.

And with her archrival Viktor Yanukovych installed as the new prime minister, Tymoshenko vowed that his Party of Regions and its coalition allies would be in for a tough examination.

"We will not be friends [either with the parliament or the government]," she said. "We will be a genuine opposition, which would not allow any fact to be concealed."

The heroine of the 2004 popular protests known as the "orange revolution" also promised that her eponymous bloc "will not remain silent when it is necessary to speak."

Tymoshenko, who served as President Viktor Yushchenko's first prime minister before being replaced by Yuriy Yekhanurov, added that she would insist on a law governing the opposition be drafted by the opposition itself rather than by the government.

Yanukovych, who returned to the prime minister's chair in August, appeared to take a more conciliatory line at the opening of the parliamentary session. He has already toned down some pro-Russian positions and he told the 450-seat legislature that he viewed "the opposition not as an enemy, but as an ally in strengthening the country's economy and the democratic foundations of Ukrainian society's life."

The Party of Regions leader, who served as prime minister under President Leonid Kuchma in 2002-2004, leads a coalition that also comprises the Communist Party, the Socialist Party and some members of the pro-presidential Our Ukraine.

Tymoshenko, who had sought a second stint as premier herself before a coalition collapsed in the summer, made fresh claims Monday on the Yanukovych government's legality, saying it was illegitimate because the prime minister had failed to give up his powers as a lawmaker by an August 25 deadline. However, Rada Speaker Oleksandr Moroz dismissed the claim.

Source: RIA Novosti

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Ukraine's Parliament Returns To Work After Long Hiatus

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukraine's parliament will return to work Tuesday after the summer recess and the months of paralysis that preceded it as rival groups fought to take control of the government and senior parliamentary posts.


Oleksandr Moroz, the Supreme Rada's speaker, said members would discuss drafts in committees and factions and then open a plenary session in the first week.

Moroz said a total of 245 issues had been put on the agenda and called for laws on the Cabinet and opposition to be approved as soon as possible because a constitutional reform that came into effect January 1 transferred some of the president's powers to parliament.

The president's press secretary said earlier that President Viktor Yushchenko had prioritized bills on corruption, judicial reform and regulating the Cabinet's work.

Leonid Kuchma, the president in 2002, initiated the reform to make a transition toward a parliamentary democracy along European lines.

But March elections to the Rada failed to produce an overwhelming majority. The 450-seat chamber was divided between the pro-Russian Party of Regions with 186 seats, the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc with 129 seats, pro-presidential Our Ukraine (80), the Socialist Party (33) and the Communists (21).

A four-month political crisis ensued until a grand coalition, comprising the Party of Regions, the Communists, the Socialists and Our Ukraine, was formed.

Party of Regions leader Viktor Yanukovych, who was prime minister under Kuchma and who suffered defeat in the 2004 presidential elections after protests dubbed the "orange revolution" brought West-leaning Yanukovych to power, was appointed prime minister.

His archrival Tymoshenko, who had seemed to be returning for a second stint as prime minister until a coalition she led collapsed, went into opposition. She branded the new government illegitimate and urged the president to dissolve parliament and call another election.

Tymoshenko, who served as premier for eight months under Yushchenko, made fresh claims Monday, saying that the Yanukovych government was illegitimate because the prime minister had failed to give up his powers as a lawmaker by an August 25 deadline. However, Speaker Moroz dismissed the claim.

Source: RIA Novosti

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No Military Draft In Ukraine After 2010 - Minister

KIEV, Ukraine -- The Ukrainian defense minister said Monday obligatory military service would be discontinued after 2010.

Anatoly Hrytsenko

Anatoly Hrytsenko said, "2010 will be the last year for the military draft. After that, we will have, by presidential decree, contractual service in the armed forces on a voluntary basis."

Hrytsenko said that currently seven million people, including 600,000 reserve officers, are registered in Ukrainian military registration and enlistment offices.

"This is not necessary and cannot be justified," the minister said. "If one used common sense, it would be possible to stop training of reserve officers for the next 10 years."

Hrytsenko added he decided to cancel a state order on the training of reserve officers.

Source: RIA Novosti

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Monday, September 04, 2006

Ukraine's Former Premier Says New PM Illegitimate, Calls For Dissolving Parliament

KIEV, Ukraine -- Former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko on Monday called Ukraine's new premier illegitimate and demanded the dismissal of parliament — suggesting she plans to lead her main opposition party in a tough political fight.


Tymoshenko, whose fiery speeches helped make her a leader of the 2004 Orange Revolution, cited a law passed last year that forbids anyone to hold a lawmaker's seat and a seat in government simultaneously.

Viktor Yanukovych submitted paperwork to give up his lawmaker's seat immediately after he was named prime minister in August. But parliament then broke for the summer, and the matter has not yet been taken up.

Yanukovych's office said the premier had no intention of holding both seats simultaneously.

Yanukovych, whose fraud-marred bid for the presidency sparked the Orange Revolution mass protests, put together a majority coalition after an agreement between Tymoshenko and her former Orange Revolution allies broke apart. Yanukovych's party won the most votes in a March parliamentary election.

The coalition nominated Yanukovych to be premier, and President Viktor Yushchenko agreed to it, after making Yanukovych pledge to uphold the country's democratic advances and continue his pro-Western policies.

Tymoshenko, who had hoped to return to the premier's job, has called Yanukovych's premiership a betrayal.

"God has put in the president's hands one more chance to save Ukraine," Tymoshenko said. "I hope that this time, the president will use this chance."

Tymoshenko said the law, passed with the support of Yanukovych's Party last year, stipulates that Yanukovych had 20 days to give up his lawmaker's seat, and those 20 days passed Aug. 25. That should automatically trigger the ouster of Yanukovych from the premier's job, she said.

The matter is unlikely to lead to Yanukovych's dismissal, but it does represent the first volley in what analysts predicted could be another tense political season.

Parliament Speaker Oleksandr Moroz said lawmakers would deal with the issue next week, noting that it would have happened earlier if parliament had been in session.

Source: AP

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Exercise Cooperative Marlin 2006

NORTHWOOD, UK -- Exercise Cooperative Marlin 2006, a NATO command post exercise to provide interoperability training with partner nations, will take place in Sevastopol, Ukraine from 19 - 28 September 2006.


Cooperative Marlin 2006 will educate NATO's partners in alliance procedures and concepts to enhance mutual understanding and interoperability. After a study period, participants will apply NATO procedures through a tactical application period in a fictitious crisis response scenario.

The training provided in this exercise will be followed by the live maritime exercise called Cooperative Mako, which will be conducted by Allied Maritime Component Command Naples in 2007.

Military personnel from eight NATO nations (Bulgaria, Canada, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Slovenia, and Turkey) will participate in the exercise together with six partnership for peace countries (Albania, Azerbaijan, Croatia, Finland, Russia and Ukraine), and two Mediterranean dialogue nations (Algeria and Israel).

Two Istanbul cooperation initiative countries (Qatar and the United Arab Emirates) will also attend as observers.

While the NATO nations will primarily send instructors, the training audience will be made up of 50+ students from the partnership for peace and Mediterranean dialogue countries, to include Ukrainian and Russian officers.

Exercise Cooperative marlin will be conducted under the responsibility of Admiral Sir James Burnell-Nugent KCB CBE, Commander Allied Maritime Component Command Northwood.

Source: Government News Network

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Event To Honor Victims Of Babi Yar Massacre

NEW YORK, NY -- Russian icon Yevgeny Yevtushenko will mark the 65th anniversary of the Babi Yar massacre when he headlines a program of music and poetry commemorating the ghastly event in Kiev that killed 100,000 Jews, gypsies and other civilians.

Yevgeny Yevtushenko

The dissident poet will read his passionate "Babi Yar" poem, which was suppressed for 23 years by the Soviet Union, to highlight a Holocaust program and concert Sept. 27 at the Museum of Jewish Heritage in Manhattan.

The program also will feature a world premiere by pianists Misha and Cipa Dichter of the first movement of Dmitri Shostakovich's never-published, two-piano version of his Symphony No. 13, which is based on the Yevtushenko poem.

The Dichters will be joined in the performance by Bulgarian bass Valentin Peytchinov and a men's chorus conducted by Patrick Gardner.

Babi Yar is the name of a vast ravine in northwestern Kiev. Nazis rounded up tens of thousands on Sept. 29 and 30, 1941, and systematically murdered them at Babi Yar in retaliation for bombs aimed at invading German soldiers.

The victims included Jews, Soviet prisoners of war, gypsies, underground fighters and others from Kiev and the surrounding Ukraine area.

The mass murder, immortalized in the poetry of Yevtushenko and the music of Shostakovich, claimed 100,000 lives.

Yevtushenko, 73, was one of the politically active authors during the Khrushchev Thaw. In 1961, he composed "Babi Yar," in which he attacked Soviet indifference to the Nazi massacre in Kiev.

The poem was circulated privately for years because Soviet policy regarding the Holocaust was to present it in general terms as an atrocity against Soviet citizens.

The poem was finally published in the state-controlled Soviet press in 1984. Yevtushenko now teaches Russian and European poetry and film at the University of Tulsa.

The Living Memorial to the Holocaust presentation of "Babi Yar Remembered: Yevtushenko and Shostakovich in Word and Song" will begin at 7 p.m. in the Edmond J. Safra Hall.

Other works on the program are Concertino for Two Pianos, which Shostakovich wrote for himself and his son Maxim, performed by the Dichters, and Shostakovich's Monologue on a text of Pushkin, Op. 91, No. 1, featuring Peytchinov and Misha Dichter.

Yevtushenko will read several additional poems, including his poignant "The Loss."

Ivy Barsky, the Museum of Jewish Heritage's Deputy Director for Programs, called the Sept. 27 program "a meaningful commemoration, a glorious artistic happening, and a memorable shared experience."

He describes the concert as "a powerful confluence of expressions: Yevtushenko's recitation of his stirring poem, the world premiere of Shostakovich's piece performed by a pair of virtuosic New York pianists - one of whom is the child of Holocaust survivors - presented at New York's most important cultural institution dedicated to Jewish history and Holocaust memory."

Source: NY Daily News

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Sunday, September 03, 2006

Ukraine Still To Fix NATO Joining Date: Defense Minister

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukrainian Defense Minister Anatoly Gritsenko said on Saturday that his country was yet to set a date for joining NATO, Ukraine's Interfax news agency reported.

Anatoly Gritsenko

Gritsenko told a news conference that at present, no one could answer the question about when his country would join the military alliance.

He said Ukraine's bid for NATO membership was a question for both sides. For Ukraine's part, it needed to make preparations in military, economic and political fields. As for NATO, it needed to prepare to accept Ukraine's membership.

When asked whether or not Ukraine's new government would possibly change its principle of entering NATO, Gritsenko said Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko had made an announcement that his country's foreign and military policies would remain unchanged.

During informal negotiations with foreign ministers of NATO members in April, Ukraine's Foreign Minister Boris Tarasyuk said Ukraine hoped to be formally invited to become a NATO member in 2008.

Ukrainian Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych told reporters on Aug. 10 that Ukraine would hold a referendum to decide once and for all whether to join NATO or not.

Source: Xinhua

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Interview: Andriy Shevchenko

LONDON, UK -- After three years of hot pursuit Chelsea finally have the player Roman Abramovich wanted more than any other - Andriy Shevchenko, the Ukrainian superstar with the American model wife and one of the world's greatest players.

Andriy Shevchenko and wife Kristen Pazik

He talks exclusively to James Eve, in London, about the horror of Chernobyl, his Champions League ambitions and how Giorgio Armani helped him to find love.

It was the right place, but the wrong time. In the late summer of 2003 Andriy Shevchenko arrived at the Four Seasons hotel in Milan for a meeting. By chance, Roman Abramovich had chosen the same hotel - a converted 15th-century convent - for talks of his own. Abramovich, in the short time since his surprise takeover of Chelsea, was establishing himself as European football's most powerful club owner; Shevchenko was still glowing from AC Milan's Champions League triumph against Juventus a few months earlier. It could have been the perfect romance. In the end it was a brief encounter.

'I happened to have an appointment there at the same time with another person, who introduced me to Roman,' Shevchenko says. 'Straightaway he asked me whether I'd like to come to Chelsea, but I told him absolutely not, because I was happy at AC Milan. We'd just won the Champions League. I spoke to him for another five minutes and that was it.'

Abramovich would not forget their meeting. It soon became apparent that he wanted the striker above any other to play for him at Chelsea, and so the wooing began. It started as a stealthy affair. In May 2004, Abramovich and his chief executive Peter Kenyon travelled to the northern Italian fashion capital to meet club vice-president Adriano Galliani. The meeting ended with both parties insisting their talk had been 'of a general nature only' and not about the specificity of a Shevchenko transfer. Few believed them.

The following summer the romance went public. Shevchenko and Abramovich were photographed in conversation at the stadium in Boston where Chelsea were playing Milan on a pre-season tour of America. This served only to intensify speculation that they had been talking, if not meeting, in private as well. By now, Shevchenko was sending out mixed messages. 'Even if Milan wanted to sell me, I wouldn't leave,' he said in July 2005, a few weeks after publicly expressing his respect and admiration for what Abramovich was trying to achieve at Chelsea.

The British press reported that Abramovich was prepared to pay up to £85m for the striker. Cifre da fantascienza- 'fantasy figures' - said their Italian counterparts. Milan's fans would probably argue they reflected the true value of their man. And the final figure, when the deal was concluded a year later, was a British transfer record of nearly £31m. It's no wonder Abramovich was so eager to sign the Ukrainian superstar. His European experience fits neatly with Chelsea's ambition of winning the Champions League - he has 43 goals in the competition and only Real Madrid's Raul of current players, with 51, has scored more. Three times the Ukrainian has been the competition's top scorer across a season and he remains one of the game's most consistent strikers. Importantly, for a player who turns 30 later this month, he is capable of adapting quickly to a new league - at Milan he became the only foreigner ever to finish top scorer in his first Serie A season.

This summer, Shevchenko captained Ukraine in their first appearance in the World Cup. Despite the shock of a heavy defeat in their first game, he led his side to the quarter-finals, where they lost to the eventual champions, Italy. A country whose league he had by then agreed to leave.

'Milan is a big club, a great club, but for him to leave Milan for Chelsea is a big statement about where Chelsea is,' said Jose Mourinho about a player who may have been pressed upon him by Abramovich.

There is without doubt an affinity of sorts between Shevchenko and Abramovich, the footballer and the oil billionaire. Most obviously, they speak Russian, are both former citizens of the Soviet Union and, for all their present wealth and comfort, know hardship and early struggle: while the Russian Abramovich began his business empire flogging plastic ducks from a grim Moscow apartment, Shevchenko escaped Europe's worst nuclear disaster in his native Ukraine to become Shevagol, the 'Wind from the East', 'the White Ronaldo'.

We meet on a wet West London evening at the hotel in Kensington where he is living with his 28-year-old American wife, Kristen Pazik, a former model, and their 22-month-old son Jordan. He arrives a little late, having spent the afternoon playing golf at the exclusive Wisley club in Surrey.

He must be tired, but he shakes everybody's hand and smiles, relaxed in his new surroundings. There's nothing showy in his manner, no strut or swagger. He's dressed simply but well in dark grey trousers and a black T-shirt; he negotiates the photo-shoot with practised ease. He is used to being photographed, having modelled for his friend Giorgio Armani, with whom he opened two boutiques back in his former hometown of Kiev.

Armani played a role in his relationship with Pazik, whom he met in 2002 at a post-show party organised by the celebrated designer; they married in July 2004 on a golf course in Washington DC. She is tall and blonde and graceful. Usually she would take part in the shoot, but not today: she is seven months' pregnant, with a son, and keen to avoid the lens.

In Italy Pazik has been accused of enticing Shevchenko away from Milan. Her friendship with Abramovich's wife, Irina, with whom she goes shopping, and her wish to bring up their children in an English-speaking culture were reported as important influences on her husband's decision to join Chelsea. Adriano Galliani, the Italian club's vice-president who was reported to have held those preliminary transfer talks with Abramovich in 2004, described Shevchenko's departure as 'a victory of the English language over the Italian language'.

Shevchenko is defensive but defiant. 'I don't see why I should have to explain to loads of people why we've moved,' he says, speaking in precise, accented Italian. 'Kristen is American, I'm Ukrainian and we've spent the last few years living in Italy. We've already got one kid and there's another on the way. They will need stability and part of that is about what language they are going to speak as they grow up. The decision to come to London was a family decision about what was best for them.'

That has not stopped some Milan fans from, inevitably, branding him a 'traitor'. Perhaps their irritation is understandable: his departure is a blow for Serie A, which is still grappling with the fallout from the match-fixing scandal. After the departures of other top players, including Italy's World Cup-winning captain Fabio Cannavaro, Brazil midfielder Emerson and France defender Lilian Thuram, all to Spain, Shevchenko's move abroad confirmed the growing unease about the fading glamour and appeal of a league not long ago seen as the most prestigious in the world.

More recently, La Gazzetta dello Sport, the Milan-based daily newspaper, published a barbed account of the Shevchenkos' busy social calendar since arriving in London: golf, shopping excursions, a Madonna concert, the musical Chicago and dinner at smart restaurants. How quickly he has forgotten us, it implied.

Shevchenko and Pazik have just found a rented apartment close to Stamford Bridge. Had Abramovich offered to lend him one of his many residences, as was widely reported? 'No. It wouldn't be appropriate,' he said. 'He's the owner of the club. He's my boss and I'm his employee. I want to keep it that way.'

Andriy Shevchenko was born on 29 September 1976 and spent his early years in the village of Dvirkivschyna, 60 miles south of Kiev, before moving with his parents to the capital of what was then the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. His father Mykola was a mechanic in the army, his mother Lyubov worked in a nursery.

When he was nine, on 26 April 1986 a nuclear reactor at Chernobyl exploded, spewing a vast radioactive cloud into the skies. The family home in Kiev was only 80 miles away. 'We knew something was going on because my father was in the army, but mostly it was just rumours,' he says now. 'People continued to go to work and go about their business. There was no panic. For days the press and television would not say exactly what had happened, how serious it was.'

The Soviet authorities were unsure what to do, waiting until the school exams were over before evacuating the children, including Shevchenko and his sister Elena, who is three years older, to live on the coast in the east of the country, near Donetsk. 'We were all taken off to the sea, to go camping. Eventually, after two or three months, my parents came to pick us up. It's only now, years later, with all the genetic illnesses that have started to emerge, that we've begun to understand the scale of the disaster. And people didn't just get sick. They also lost their homes, their possessions.' Shevchenko has since set up a charitable foundation for sick children, many suffering from birth defects, the result of the catastrophe at Chernobyl.

As a child, he was enthralled by football and, at the age of 10, was spotted by Dynamo Kiev scout Alexander Shpakov. He was invited to join the club's youth programme. Following perestroika, the programme of economic restructuring and liberalisation introduced by Mikhail Gorbachev, the opportunities for a young player had never been so good. He travelled to Germany, Italy and England. In 1990, as part of Dynamo's under-14 team, he finished top scorer in the Ian Rush Cup in Wales and was awarded a pair of boots by the Liverpool striker. 'Funnily enough, the boots were too small for me but I still tried to play in them - until my big toes poked through,' he says, laughing. He has kept them to this day.

When he was 16, Shevchenko failed a dribbling test for a place at a specialist sports university in Kiev. 'After that, I had to choose: whether to continue with football or take another direction. It was difficult, but I never lost my self-belief. I told my parents I wanted a bit more time to prove myself. A few weeks later, Dynamo's second team stepped in. A year later [in 1994] I was playing in the first team.'

Dynamo had won the Soviet Union's championship a record 13 times and now dominated their domestic rivals in the league of the independent Ukraine. In five seasons, Shevchenko won five league titles and scored 60 goals in 118 appearances. But thrashing Dnipro and Shakhtar Donetsk was easy. Recognition abroad depended on success against Europe's top clubs and Shevchenko might have been easily missed were it not for the appointment of Valery Lobanovsky as coach.

Lobanovsky was 58 and already a hero to Dynamo fans when he returned to the club at the start of the 1997-98 season. As a winger, he had formed part of the great Dynamo side that won the Soviet league title in 1961 - the first side from outside Moscow to do so. Then, in 1974, he took over as coach. He held the position for 15 of the next 17 years, a period in which the club won the Soviet league eight times. He also had three spells when he was in charge of the Soviet Union national side: his teams won Olympic bronze in 1976 and finished as runners-up at the 1988 European Championship.

Lobanovsky left Ukrainian football in the early Nineties to take charge of the United Arab Emirates and then Kuwait but, after watching Shevchenko and strike partner Sergei Rebrov in action in the winter of 1996, he was persuaded to return home.

'He was the greatest coach in Dynamo's history and the father of Ukrainian football,' Shevchenko says. 'We called him "The Colonel". He was a disciplinarian and a very intelligent man - I don't just mean tactically. To be successful as a coach you need more than tactics. Lobanovsky was constantly looking ahead, trying to work out where football was going next. He was the first Ukrainian coach to use sports science to get the best out of his players.'

Lobanovsky died in 2002. Shortly after winning the 2003 Champions League title with AC Milan, Shevchenko took the trophy to Kiev and stopped off by his old coach's grave. 'It was my way of thanking him for what he gave me. Without doubt he was the coach that changed me most. He taught me the need to be patient, he instilled the culture of work in me and the importance of respecting your adversary. He laid the foundations on which my career is based.' The respect was mutual. Comparing Shevchenko to some of Europe's more established stars in 1998, Lobanovsky said: 'Big-name players get so far and become complacent. Look at Ronaldo. He's still improving, as he should at his age. But he stands around when he isn't scoring. I wouldn't swap him for Shevchenko, who puts in valuable teamwork.'

Under Lobanovsky, Dynamo made the step up from domestic domination to progress in the Champions League. In the 1997-98 season they reached the quarter-finals of the competition, the highlight of their campaign a 4-0 win over Barcelona at the Nou Camp, in which Shevchenko scored a first-half hat-trick.

'It was the night I was "discovered". After that there was no hiding,' he recalls. The team went even further the following year, beating reigning champions Real Madrid in the last eight, and could have reached the final if they hadn't squandered a 3-1 lead to draw 3-3 in the first leg of their semi-final against Bayern Munich. But Dynamo were ultimately victims of their own success, with their best players being lured away by wealthier and more glamorous western clubs. In the summer of 1999, AC Milan, then Serie A champions, signed Shevchenko for £26m.

'It was like starting my life from scratch,' he says of the move to Italy. His first coach, Alberto Zaccheroni, remembers him as being 'quiet, maybe a bit shy, and respectful. But right from the start he had a great desire to learn - not that he needed much help. He just seemed to soak it up. His record speaks for itself.'

'He seemed to settle quite quickly,' recalls Gazzetta dello Sport correspondent Alessandra Bocci, who followed Shevchenko during his seven years in Italy. 'He was shy, but there was also a quiet confidence about him. It was clear ... he had something to say. And he was never the kind of player who would go out to curry favour with the fans. He wasn't like [Gennaro] Gattuso, for example, who wears his heart on his sleeve. Big gestures weren't his style. It's easy to forget, but back then Milan wasn't a team of stars. For a few years at the beginning he propped up a side that was struggling to hold its own, and he had to wait a long time [five seasons] before winning the Serie A title. There was a lot of responsibility on him - that's a tough thing for a kid of 23 to handle, especially a foreign player. But he always remained very approachable, even when he became the star.'

At home, in Ukraine, Shevchenko remains a national hero, though fame can be perilous. In late 2004, for instance, he became caught up in the country's presidential elections, in which the pro-Russian Viktor Yanukovych faced the reformist, pro-Western Victor Yushchenko. The contest was marred by corruption and voter intimidation and the sinister suggestion that Yushchenko had been poisoned. How else to account for his sudden facial disfigurement?

During the campaign Shevchenko appeared on national television and glumly read a prepared statement that endorsed Yanukovych, who drew his support largely from the eastern part of Ukraine, the region where the footballer was evacuated as a child in the aftermath of the Chernobyl disaster. The great hero who had departed for the West and married an American looked like a man reading his own death warrant. When Shakhtar Donetsk fans visited Milan for a Champions League fixture a few weeks later, they unfurled a banner with the simple message: 'Your choice made the nation weep.'

Since then Shevchenko has tried to distance himself from what happened. He spoke of enjoying 'warm words' with Yushchenko when the latter, then installed as President, congratulated him on becoming European Footballer of the Year in 2004. 'The people in Ukraine deserve democracy,' he says now. Then, with anger: 'It's bullshit. A big load of bullshit. Listen, politics is a shitty world. I want to stay well away from it, and well away from newspapers and TV stations that are standing up for one candidate or another. I'm an athlete. I represent my country. Whenever I'm called on to play, I play. And when the time comes to stop, I'll stop. But I do all this because I want to, not because someone is forcing me to.'

There was further controversy last month, this time trivial, when, on his competitive debut for Chelsea, he kissed the badge on his shirt as he celebrated scoring in the 2-1 Community Shield defeat to Liverpool. Former team-mates at Milan were disgusted. 'It's best if I don't say what I really think,' said Gennaro Gattuso, the bearded midfield mastiff. 'It looks like he has fallen for his new team in a hurry,' team coach Carlo Ancelotti said.

'People give far too much importance to things like this,' Shevchenko says now. 'They don't look at the person, they look at some tiny gesture instead. When I was at Milan, I didn't win the fans over by kissing my shirt. I did it through the way I played on the pitch. Here at Chelsea I want to do the same.'

He says he misses friends in Italy but is adapting quickly to life in London. The hotel where he lives employs Italian staff and Chelsea use an Italian cook on their travels. As for the football, 'it's faster, more physical and less tactical than in Italy. The smaller teams seem to go for the long-ball approach and, in general, teams don't try to keep possession so long, and the defenders close you down much faster.'

His ambition above all others is to win the Champions League with Chelsea, especially as he was part of the Milan team that lost the final on penalties to Liverpool in 2005, having led 3-0 at half-time. Shevchenko missed the decisive penalty in the shootout. 'It was incredibly painful at the time, but I've learned to see it in a positive light. The team was playing well that night, there was a great feeling between the players. In my opinion we deserved to win, but Dudek made an incredible save to stop me scoring [in extra time]. That's just part of football.'

What is also now 'just part of football', or of English football at any rate, is the constant media attention from both sport and showbusiness journalists. With his model wife, who likes to pose nude, Shevchenko is more likely than many of his team-mates to feel this intense exposure. Kristen admits that she has already been surprised by the close scrutiny of the British tabloid press. Yet Andriy is still engagingly open in conversation and manner. Perhaps this is because in Italy the relationship between footballers and reporters remains comparatively accessible and relaxed, whereas here in England they are protected by image makers and are often paid for interviews (as if they needed the money).

By way of confirming his naivety, the week before we spoke, he had driven on his own to Wentworth, hoping to pay a green fee for a round at the exclusive Surrey golf club. The three gentlemen with whom he made up a four-ball must have been as thrilled as they were unsettled to be joined for the afternoon by Britain's most expensive footballer. Perhaps the ultimate test of his assimilation into Premiership culture, then, will not be how many goals he scores, but whether he is still making such spontaneous trips at the end of the season.

The life and times of Andriy

1976: Born on 29 September in Dvirkivshchyna, Ukraine. His father, Mykola, served in the Red Army and his mother, Lyubov, was a nurse.

1986: Chernobyl nuclear disaster occurs in April. His family is forced to abandon their home in Kiev and move to the coast in the east of the country. Later that year, he is brought to Dynamo Kiev after a scout spots him playing in a youth tournament.

1994: Breaks into the Dynamo first team. He goes on to win five successive Ukrainian league championships between 1994-95 and 1998-99.

1995: Wins his first international cap for Ukraine against Croatia.

1996: Scores his first goal for Ukraine in a 3-2 defeat against Turkey.

1999: Signs for AC Milan for £26m in July, making his league debut in a 2-2 draw with Lecce. Becomes the first non-Italian to be top scorer in Serie Ain his debut season, with 24 league goals.

2003: Scores the winning penalty as Milan beat Juventus in a shootout in the Champions League final at Old Trafford.

2004: He is again top scorer in Serie A and Milan win the title for the first time since his arrival. In July, he marries American model Kristen Pazik on a golf course in Washington, DC. The couple had met at an Armani after-show party. A few months later, Kristen gives birth to their son, Jordan. Andriy is named European Footballer of the Year.

2005: After leading 3-0 at half time, Milan lose the Champions League final against Liverpool on penalties. Shevchenko's miss in the shootout is decisive.

2006: In May, he signs for Chelsea for an English transfer record of more than £30m and in June he captains Ukraine in their first World Cup. Their first match is a 4-0 defeat by Spain, but he scores against Saudi Arabia and Tunisia as Ukraine reach the quarter-finals, where they lose to Italy. Scores on his Chelsea debut in August in the Community Shield against Liverpool.

Source: Guardian Unlimited

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Kiev Schools Look to Reinforce Ukraine's Christian Heritage

KIEV, Ukraine -- Some public schools in the Ukrainian capital will begin teaching Christian ethics this year in an experimental program aimed at reinforcing the country's thousand-year Christian heritage, Kiev city officials said.


The course, titled "Christian Ethics in Ukrainian Culture: The Path of Good," raised concern among Kiev's minority Jewish population, and among state education officials, who called its introduction premature.

The class for 6-year-olds will be launched in 100 of Kiev's 527 schools, reaching about 6,000 pupils. Any parent can choose to have a child opt out of the lessons. Next year, city officials aim to have the lessons reach all of the capital's 21,100 first-grade students.

Ukraine, which is predominantly Orthodox Christian, has flirted before with the idea of introducing a religion-based ethics class, but earlier plans ran into opposition from the country's Jews and Muslims. This latest project also sparked some concerns, but the Kiev city administration – headed by a mayor who once sent a Bible to every Ukrainian lawmaker – has vowed to go ahead. "There is a path of good and a path of evil, and wherever God acts, the devil also appears," Deputy Mayor Vitaliy Zhuravsky said. "Whoever opposes introducing Christian ethics – for me, that's devilry."

Ilya Levitas, president of Jewish Council of Ukraine, called it a "very one-sided approach." He noted that Ukraine has numerous other religions, including Judaism and Islam, and also questioned whether the class would have any impact. "If you want to foster belief, you should take children to church," he said.

Kiev officials said the class, built around a textbook written by an Orthodox priest, could help give students a moral base. The titles of the lessons include "The Church is God's Home" and "Resurrection: Victory of Good over Evil." There are also lessons focused on Ukrainian cultural figures and Ukrainian history.

"The goal is to foster moral behavior, spiritual values and a love for the homeland," said Father Bohdan Ogulchansky, author of the textbook.

Ukraine's education minister, Stanislav Nikolayenko, suggested this week that the city government should hold off on the classes, warning that "ill-prepared activity could destroy a good idea."

Zhuravsky disagreed. "We need to act now," he said, and referred to the growing problems of drug abuse and alcoholism among Ukrainian youth. He said that, despite the education ministry's protests, the city administration was prepared to go ahead, noting it was the city that funded the capital's schools.

"Ukraine is a Christian nation, and Christian ethics are part of our culture," he said. Some 97 percent of Ukraine's registered religious communities are Christian, about half of them Orthodox. Protestant churches have a small presence but have been attracting worshippers rapidly. Jews make up about 1 percent of the population.

Source: AP

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Saturday, September 02, 2006

Ukraine Mulls Sending Peacekeepers To Lebanon

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukraine is planning to send a peacekeeping contingent to the conflict zone in Lebanon, the defense minister said Saturday.


"We are ready to consider the possibility of sending to Lebanon a mechanized infantry battalion, or a combat engineers or material support battalion, or a military police company. We have this capability," Anatoliy Hrytsenko said.

He said the final decision had not been made because Ukraine was consulting with the UN on the issue.

Israeli military operations in Lebanon began July 12 after the radical Islamic group Hizbollah killed three Israeli servicemen and captured two others in a cross-border raid.

The UN has deployed troops in southern Lebanon to enforce the August 14 truce and eventually hopes to increase it to 15,000, mainly through EU contributions.

Before the truce, Israeli military operations claimed the lives of about 1,000 Lebanese civilians, forced nearly a quarter of the country's population to flee their homes, and demolished large parts of the country's infrastructure.

Source: RIA Novosti

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Ukraine Stepping Up Nuclear Power Sector Development - Minister

KIEV, Ukraine -- Ukraine is stepping up its nuclear power program, the country's fuel and energy minister said Friday.


"There is no alternative to nuclear power industry development," Yuriy Boyko said.

He said the United States and China planned to build 20 nuclear reactors each in the next few decades, and that they were also developing fast neutron reactor projects.

"Our country, which is among the top three nuclear power producers, and which has huge experience in this sphere, including experience of tragedy, should be actively integrated into these projects and take part in all civilian nuclear power development programs," the minister said.

Ukraine's four nuclear power plants currently employ a total of fifteen power units. National energy company Energoatom plans to build another 10 power units in the country by 2030.

Source: RIA Novosti

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Ukraine Deputy Leader Rules Out Making Russia Pay More For Ukraine's Gas Pipelines

KIEV, Ukraine Ukraine will not threaten a price rise for Russia's use of its gas pipelines as leverage to secure a lower price on gas imports from Moscow, Ukraine's deputy prime minister said Friday.

Mykola Azarov

Mykola Azarov told students at Kiev National University that such a move would backfire.

"If we raise the price, Russia will do the same on its vector," Azarov said.

Ukraine imports gas from Russia and Central Asia via pipelines that flow through Russian territory. Europe gets about a quarter of its gas from Russia, some 80 percent of that arriving in pipelines that cross Ukraine.

Ukraine and Russia are currently in talks over gas prices for next year, and Azarov has said that Ukraine is expecting another increase.

This year, Ukraine was forced to accept a twofold price increase to US$95 (€74) per 1,000 cubic meters after a bitter pricing dispute with Moscow. Russia temporarily cut off supplies to Ukraine, which triggered a shortfall in Europe.

The gas price deal also included a 47 percent increase in the transit fee that Ukraine charges Russia to use its pipelines to S$1.60 (€1.25) per thousand cubic meters to travel 100 kilometers. That price was fixed for five years, unlike the price for gas supplies.

Azarov said that while he was crafting next year's state budget on the assumption that Ukraine would pay US$135 (€106) per 1,000 cubic meters that year, he remained hopeful that Kiev would manage to secure a lower price.

"Our negotiators in the talks with Russia have a strong position," he said, without elaborating.

Source: International Herald Tribune

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Ukrainian Jews' Influence Gets Mixed Reviews

KIEV, Ukraine -- For Ukrainian Jews, success can be considered a dangerous thing. The large number of Jews on a list of the 100 most influential Ukrainians has created a mixture of pride and anxiety in the country's Jewish community.


About 20 of those who made it to this year's list are Jewish. The list is published annually by Korrespondent, a Russian-language Kiev weekly.

Jews make up no more than one half-percent of Ukraine's population of 47 million, and some fear the overrepresentation of Jews among the country's business and political elites may strengthen anti-Semitic stereotypes.

"In the eyes of the public, this can create a wrong impression that Jews in Ukraine are very wealthy and the Jewish community is prospering," said Ilya Korchman, a Jewish pensioner from Kiev.

Yet Ukrainian Jews have a reason to celebrate, he said: The heavy Jewish representation on the list "is a result of the many talents of Jews, who are really influential in Ukraine." One Kiev Jewish activist and researcher agrees.

"Ukrainian anti-Semites will use this list for their propaganda purposes," Alexander Nayman said. "And at the same time, the good people will have more respect toward Jews."

The general public hasn't seemed to pay much attention to the preponderance of Jews on the list. Instead, many focused on the fact that for the first time in four years, Ukraine's president didn't top the list.

Business tycoon and lawmaker Rinat Akhmetov, believed to be the wealthiest man in Ukraine, moved up to the top spot from fifth place last year. He replaced President Viktor Yushchenko, who was second this year.

The shift is being attributed to the changing nature of the Ukrainian elite, where business leaders came to play a more prominent role after the 2004 "Orange Revolution" and subsequent political turmoil.

"Business is taking political power into its hands," political expert Vladimir Malinkovich told JTA.

All the Jews but one on this year's list are business leaders.

The highest-ranking Jew on the list is Igor Kolomoysky, 42, a co-owner of the Privat business group that has interests in the metal and financial sectors. Kolomoysky, who was eighth on the list last year, moved up to the sixth spot.

Viktor Pinchuk, 45, another Jewish business tycoon and son-in-law of former President Leonid Kuchma, was ranked 12th on the list, the same as last year.

Eduard Shifrin, 46, president of the Zaporozhstal steel holding and co-chairman of the Jewish Confederation of Ukraine, was ranked 87th.

One of the Jews whose influence fell after the Orange Revolution is Yevgeny Chervonenko, 46, former minister of transport and communications who now serves as a regional governor in eastern Ukraine. Chervonenko, who is vice president of the United Jewish Community of Ukraine, slipped from 27th to 89th.

The only Jew on the list who is a not a member of the country's business elite is Rabbi Ya'akov Dov Bleich, 42, who ranked 62nd.

Ukraine's longest-serving rabbi, the Brooklyn-born Bleich has lived in Kiev since 1989 and has been chief rabbi of Kiev and Ukraine since 1990. Bleich appears on the list for the fourth year in a row, but his authority has been somewhat undermined over the past few years by the election of two other chief rabbis of Ukraine.

Bleich is the only non-Christian cleric on the list.

A longtime Ukrainian Jewish leader, Josef Zissels, was among 20 experts from different fields on the board that helped the magazine compile the list.

Source: JTA Wire Service

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Friday, September 01, 2006

The Ugly Truths of Ukraine's Election Results, 2004 And 2006

KIEV, Ukraine -- Orange voters in Ukraine and abroad did not have a good summer. After four months of tortuous, non-transparent and back channel negotiations, neither of the two coalitions that everyone had expected materialized; neither a revived Orange nor a "grand" coalition of Our Ukraine and the Party of Regions.


Instead, Orange supporters were stunned to see the return of Viktor Yanukovych. It was bad enough, we had all thought, that the "bandits" had slipped through the net of the prosecutor's office during President Viktor Yushchenko's many foreign visits in 2005.

But, that they had even entered parliament and were now back in government! Of Ukraine's 13 Prime Minister's since independence, Yanukovych is the only Prime Minister to serve a second term.

Unlike his twelve predecessors, who served an average of only 12-15 months each, Yanukovych could well stay prime minister until the next election cycle in 2009-2011. Following constitutional reforms, the president no longer has the option to dismiss the prime minister if, for example, the incumbent's popularity becomes too high, a common cause for the government's dismissal prior to 2005.

Ironically, Yushchenko used this power for the last occasion in September 2005 when he dismissed the Yulia Tymoshenko government after a record of only seven months in government.

Even if the parliamentary National Unity coalition were to collapse, the government would not automatically fall. Following a host of tactical mistakes after Yushchenko came to power, Yanukovych could well be with us for the medium term.

Kravchuk-Yushchenko

Disillusionment among Orange voters first appeared in September 2005 when the Tymoshenko government was removed and President Viktor Yushchenko signed a memorandum with Viktor Yanukovych.

In other words, the Universal signed on August 3 between all of the parliamentary forces, except Tymoshenko, is already the second of such documents.

In both September 2005 and July-August 2006, President Yushchenko was willing to sacrifice his principles by signing deals with Yanukovych when his back was against the wall; the first when his candidate for prime minister (Yuriy Yekhanurov) failed to win parliamentary approval and the second when he had to choose between two unpalatable steps, early elections or putting Yanukovych forward as prime minister.

In both cases, Yushchenko had been boxed into a corner by his own team's tactical mistakes and poor strategy.

This is also the second occasion in Ukraine's history when the Communists have entered government, the first being in 1994 with Prime Minister Vitaliy Masol and the second in 2006. The dates are not coincidental, as President Yushchenko increasingly resembles former President Leonid Kravchuk.

Kravchuk brought back Masol to replace Leonid Kuchma in a vain attempt to attract Communist voters in the summer 1994 presidential elections. Kravchuk's betrayal of his post-1991 shift towards Ukrainian statehood by bringing in a representative of a party that opposed Ukrainian statehood failed to lead to his re-election for a second term.

Yushchenko and Our Ukraine insisted that the Communists be removed from the Anti-Crisis coalition before they would consider joining it. The coalition members refused, the Communists stayed in the coalition and government, and Yushchenko nevertheless approved the entrance of Our Ukraine into government.

The confusion that surrounds Ukrainian politics since this year's elections has therefore not disappeared; Our Ukraine is both in "opposition" and in government, an untenable position.

Both Kravchuk and Yushchenko will be remembered for having brought about independence (Kravchuk) and the Orange Revolution (Yushchenko). But, Kravchuk failed to be re-elected in 1994 and Yushchenko is unlikely to be re-elected in 2009 because they both proved to be weak, indecisive and non-listening presidents.

Voters in 1994 did not think of independence achieved three years earlier, but were instead preoccupied with the previous years' hyperinflation and incompetent economic policies of the Kuchma government. They went on to punish Kravchuk by not re-electing him for a second term.

Similarly, in the 2009 elections, Orange voters will not remember the Orange Revolution but instead the fact that President Yushchenko permitted Yanukovych (the "bandit" and twice former convict in Yushchenko's 2004 election rhetoric) to return to government, thus permitting defeat to be snatched from the jaws of victory.

Yushchenko Not Playing by His Own Rules

Some Western academic experts have downplayed the significance of the return of Yanukovych. After all, they argue, the Orange Revolution has changed the rules by which Ukrainian politics is played.

To reach this conclusion one has to possess a very optimistic view of the ability of human personalities to quickly change. Of the 24 members of the government, only four are new people, while 20 are representatives of the Kuchma era or were in the Tymoshenko government, such as Minister of Justice Roman Zvarych, who proved to be very economical with the truth about his U.S. education.

Five areas point to Yushchenko failing to play by the rules of the Orange Revolution but instead by rules initiated by his opponents since 2000 when he first entered politics.

As one commentator wrote in Ukrayinska Pravda (August 10), "there are grounds to believe that in August 2006, Yushchenko lost the elections begun in 2004. The triumphant inauguration in January 2005 was only the victorious "end of the first phase."

First, Ukraine has a multi-party coalition that includes representatives from four out of five of parliament's political factions. All four - Regions, Our Ukraine, Socialists and Communists - signed the Universal.

When Yushchenko was prime minister in 2000-2001 he refused to accept demands from pro-Kuchma centrists to create a multi-party coalition government. National democrats and centrists had removed the left-wing leadership of parliament in a "velvet revolution" in January 2000 and created, for the first time in Ukraine's history, a non-left parliamentary coalition.

Yushchenko's refusal to transform his government by including representatives from the different political groups in the parliamentary coalition, principally centrists, had two ramifications. Tymoshenko was arrested in January 2000, spending 3 weeks in jail.

In April 2000, parliament voted no confidence in the Yushchenko government and replaced it with one led by Anatoliy Kinakh. As is common with all Ukrainian political groups, Kinakh first joined the pro-Kuchma "For a United Ukraine" bloc in the 2002 elections and then defected to Yushchenko in round two of the 2004 elections.

Second, during the Orange Revolution, Yanukovych proposed as a solution to the crisis that he continue as prime minister while Yushchenko become president. But, Yushchenko refused to have any dealings with what he then termed "bandits".

Following the creation of the National Unity parliamentary coalition and government, Yushchenko and Yanukovych are jointly running the country.

Government competencies are divided between Yushchenko (humanities, culture, law enforcement, foreign and defense policy) and Yanukovych (economics, energy).

Third, regional divisions inflamed by Russian political technologists, the shadow Yanukovych campaign (run by Deputy Prime Minister Andriy Kluyev) and Viktor Medvedchuk's presidential administration were successful in creating a near 50:50 split in the vote. Yet, even in the relatively free re-run of round two of the elections on December 26, 2004, Yushchenko won by only 8 per cent.

Compare this to the 97 percent won by Mikheil Saakashvili in the January 2004 Georgian elections where his opponents received less than 2 per cent each. In Georgia there is little chance of Saakashvili's opponents returning to power.

The Razumkov Ukrainian Center for Economic and Political Studies, which provided many of the analysts for the 2004 Yushchenko campaign, points out that President Yushchenko did nothing to resolve Ukraine's regional divide between coming to power in January 2005 and the March 2006 elections.

If he had undertaken steps during this fifteen-month period, it would have been welcomed as the sincere efforts of a president with political will.

The Razumkov Center states, "In addition, Viktor Andriyovych did not wish to recognize the problem, described it as contrived, and spoke in the name of the nation himself," (Zerkalo Tyzhnia, August 19-25).

Yushchenko only sought the mantle of President Lincoln as "unifier" after his back was against the wall and he had to choose between two unpalatable choices. The regional divisions inflamed by the 2004 elections, coupled with the failure to heal them following those elections, were in the end successful in bringing Yanukovych back to power.

Fourth, only one reprivatization has taken place following the Orange Revolution. After only a week in power, the Yanukovych government issued instructions to the State Property Fund, Security Service and Prosecutors Office to halt further investigations of past privatizations.

The Orange Revolution was about many factors, including blocking Yanukovych from becoming president, anger at the treatment by the authorities of the population in the 1990s and support for democratic rights and freedoms.

What it was also about was removing "bandits" from government and society. It was never made clear who these "bandits" were, but Orange supporters assumed they were Kuchma era senior officials and oligarchs.

The oligarchs can now rest easy as they are, in former Prime Minister Yuriy Yekhanurov's words, "national bourgeoisie". Rinat Akhmetov and Hryhoriy Surkis were both included by President Yushchenko in this year's honor's lists for state medals.

Fifth, constitutional reforms to transform Ukraine from a presidential to a parliamentary republic were first developed by Socialist leader Oleksandr Moroz in 2000-2001 during the Kuchmagate crisis.

These were then developed by Kuchma and Medvedchuk in 2002-2003, failing to find parliamentary approval in April 2004, but were then agreed to in a "compromise package" in December 2004 and introduced in January 2006.

Yushchenko won a breathing space for himself by ensuring that constitutional changes would not take place until 2006, rather than immediately following the 2004 elections, as Kuchma, his centrist allies and the left pushed for.

Yushchenko therefore had a whole year, at his insistence, with Kuchma's extensive powers.

Yet, surprisingly, these powers were barely used; the one occasion when they were was when he removed the Tymoshenko government. In reality, Yushchenko's detached personality is more comfortable as a president under the new constitution, rather than as the micro manager Kuchma under the 1996-2005 constitution.

Unpacking the Yushchenko Myth

Why has Ukraine developed in this way since the Orange Revolution? To understand this we need to first and foremost unpack the myths about Yushchenko. Yushchenko has been unable to become a revolutionary president and we are right to dismiss the comparison made by the presidential secretariat between US President Abraham Lincoln and Yushchenko.

President Lincoln never compromised on his principles, such as abolishing slavery, and never countenanced appointing the leader of the confederacy as his vice president.

President Yushchenko, whose career developed during the thirteen years of the Kravchuk and Kuchma eras, has been unable to institute a break with the Kuchma era and introduce a new system of governance in Ukraine.

The Razumkov Center wrote, "Who then won? Leonid Danylovych won! We saw a Ukraine without Kuchma, and it resembled something similar to Ukraine with him (Kuchma)," (Zerkaklo Tyzhnia, August 19-25).

Yushchenko was unable to utilize the possibilities offered to him by the Orange Revolution to become an Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy in one, having no truck with the personalities and policies of the Kuchma era while proposing a new democratic and European vision for Ukraine.

Yushchenko may escape having to face early elections but Ukraine will still have a new president in 2009. Only this time Ukrainian voters will be able to choose for the first time between a man and a woman.

Source: The Ukrainian Observer

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Nepal Government Debates Mystery Over Ukraine Weapons Consignment

KATHMANDU, Nepal -- The Nepal Government remains clueless about who ordered the 5.1 tonne weapons consignment from Ukraine, and it has ordered an inquiry to find out who struck the deal.


"We do not know anything about that consignment. An inquiry is on to find out who had struck the deal," The Himalayan Times quoted Dr Suresh Chalise, Foreign Affairs Advisor to the Prime Minister as saying.

The Nepal Government does not know whether the deal to buy the weapons was struck during the royal regime, but suspects it might have got the go-ahead "right from the top" of the previous government, sources told the paper.

A plane from Ukraine carrying the consignment via India to Nepal was forced to land at Ahmedabad airport after the Nepal Government told the External Affairs Ministry in India, on August 26, that it knew nothing about such a consignment.

The consignment included rifles, ammunition and anti-aircraft missiles manufactured in Israel.

The issue came to light when New Delhi asked the Nepal government about the plane and whether to provide airspace to it or not.

Nepal Army Spokesperson Brigadier General Nepal Bhushan Chand said he was unaware of that any such consignment was meant for the Army.

Source: ANI

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Vietnam, Ukraine Expect $1 Billion In Trade

HANOI, Vietnam -- Vietnam and the Ukraine have agreed to create more favourable conditions for businesses of the two sides to boost cooperation, with the aim of increasing the two-way trade value to $1 billion in the near future.

Flag of Vietnam

The agreement was reached during the 8th session of the Vietnam-Ukraine Inter-governmental Committee on Economic-Commercial and Scientific-Technological Cooperation, which took place in the Ukrainian capital city of Kiev from August 28-30.

Participants at the session discussed measures to further promote bilateral cooperation as well as to make the most use of each side's potential.

The Ukrainian side wanted to cooperate with Vietnam in energy, chemicals, shipbuilding, manufacturing, aviation and aerospace, while the Vietnamese side is expected to provide the Ukraine with consumer goods, garments, footwear, and farm produce.

Over recent years, bilateral trade between Vietnam and the Ukraine has steadily increased. Trade stood at nearly $230 million last year.

However, most participants at the session agreed that two-way trade as well as scientific-technological cooperation between Vietnam and the Ukraine have failed to match their potential and aspirations.

The Vietnamese delegation to the conference was led by Le Danh Vinh, Deputy Trade Minister, and the Ukrainian delegation by Deputy Economics Minister Andri Berezny.

Source: VNA

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